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This chapter examines Herodotus’ fulsome praise of Scythia, arguing that Scythia serves as an explicitly political model of human flourishing. Herodotus’ treatment of Scythia emphasizes that it achieves freedom without domination. This underscores both the importance Herodotus grants freedom and the great difficulty of avoiding cyclical violence, the stark dichotomy between ruling and ruled that drives the endless acquisition of empire. I thus contextualize Herodotus’ signal praise of Scythia by exploring the role of violence and vengeance in the ecosystem of strife he depicts much of life as bound up in. But as much as Herodotus highlights how rare and important this achievement is, his treatment of Scythia also emphasizes its great costs. His Scythian subsection thus shows his nonideal model of human flourishing, how it captures the vices and virtues of any particular political model. This pairs it with his treatment of Athenian freedom.
In Chapter 8, the ease of weaponizing technology is discussed, using the example of machine learning and general AI. The examination applies the lens of technological determinism to the growth of public–private efforts to develop AI that can harm and kill humans. Examples are provided of promising litigation in the US that would allow for attaching civil and criminal liability to human actors responsible for the conduct of AI.
One of the defining episodes of postwar US–Japanese relations was the so-called Girard incident, in which specialist third-class William Girard shot and killed Sakai Naka, a Japanese woman who was picking up shell casings on a US firing range in January 1957. The shooting sparked a diplomatic crisis that shook the US–Japan alliance, leading many historians to situate the incident in the history of the two nations’ diplomatic relations after World War II. This chapter attempts to resituate the incident, in part, by showing that it was only one of at least 200 instances in which US sentries and soldiers fired on Japanese civilians from the start of the Allied Occupation through the beginning of the 1960s.
This Element proposes a novel perspective on the palingenetic core of fascism as the foundation for a new understanding of fascism as political faith. It explores the multiple genealogies of the fascist palingenetic historical ideology of national salvation through violent cleansing, focusing on the link among eighteenth-century social palingenesis, Romantic messianic nationalism, and interwar fascism. It unpacks palingenesis as a basic concept – the very core of the fascist salvific faith – and other key concepts that are part of its semantic net. Scrutinizing a variety of case studies, it shows that fascist movements drew on a broad spectrum of ancient, Christian, alchemical, Romantic, and occultist regenerative myths, relating to individual and collective identities. The Element argues that fascists imbued palingenesis with unprecedented radicalism by implementing new forms of dark palingenesis, culminating in the Holocaust as a transnational fascist project. It also highlights neofascist discourses and practices of violent redemption emerging worldwide.
Chapter 4 explores how the epics represent combat and its consequences. It discusses divine and human agents of war, battle strategies, and the material culture of fighting, from armor to weapons. It then turns to violence, trauma, and the memory of war, showing how Homeric poetry captures both the immediacy of battle and the longer psychological aftermath.
Via an examination of comparative approaches to radically violent societies such as Nazi Germany and colonial Australia, this article investigates how German representations of Australian state racism shed light on the similarities and differences between the Holocaust and frontier violence in Australia. Indicative of these German views, it suggests, were those of government officials like Rudolf Asmis, who frequently wrote and spoke on the question of radical violence against Indigenous people in Australia against the backdrop of increasing antisemitic violence in Germany that culminated in the Holocaust. Assessing the position of Australia in Nazi views on the racial state, it suggests that there are important differences between settler colonial violence and the Holocaust that can only be uncovered through comparative historical method.
Chapter 4 analyzes primeval stories of how the earth is polluted by inter-species violence, starting with the Cain-Abel story in Genesis 4 and continuing to Lamech, semi-divine warriors, and a violence of “all flesh” that causes a global flood (Gen 6:1-13). The domesticator-like God depicted in these stories turns out to be implicated in the violence in them, and – in the wake of the flood – this God character ends up endorsing human killing of animals for food.
I develop the notion of capital of violence, arguing that targeted physical force is the fifth, “forgotten capital” in Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of the four species of capital (economic, cultural, social and symbolic). Violence is a form of capital because it allows its perpetrators to capture streams of material and symbolic profit and because it is a constituent of social life irreducible to the other four species. It exists under three guises, embodied (aggressiveness, physical force), objectified (e.g., weapons, barracks) and institutionalized (gangs, militias, the police, the army, etc.). It can be accumulated, delegated and converted into other species of capital. Placed in the broader portfolio of efficient resources, it shapes social structure, strategy and experience. It also has three unique properties: it is most efficient when it is held in reserve, threatened but not enacted; it has the capacity to destroy other forms of capital; and it sits at the basis of economic capital. The capital of violence finds its subjective counterpart in the brutalized and brutalizing habitus with cognitive, emotive and conative components that incline one to deploy and withstand physical force. The violent habitus can be learned through osmosis in a violent milieu or through didactic teaching and intensive practice. I illustrate these propositions by examining the so-called Jewish “ghetto” of the occupied territories of Eastern Europe under Nazi rule as a closed ecology of domination in which violent capital accumulated and violent habituses thrived, resulting in the suffusive infliction of reticular and terroristic force. I close by drawing out the implications of this conceptual move for the study of violence and for Bourdieu’s theory of practice and power.
This study aimed to describe the epidemiological, clinical, and operational characteristics of violence-related emergency medical services (EMS) encounters recorded on the Anatolian side of Istanbul from 2019 to 2023, to conduct secondary descriptive comparisons by sex, and to identify factors associated with confirmed prehospital death status.
Methods
We conducted a retrospective observational registry-based analysis of records coded as “Violence & Assault.” Clinical, operational, and demographic variables were analyzed. Comparisons by sex and confirmed death status were conducted using nonparametric and categorical-data tests. In a secondary exploratory analysis, Firth-penalized multivariable logistic regression was used to estimate adjusted associations with confirmed prehospital death status.
Results
The sample comprised 29,335 violence-related EMS encounters; most involved young adult males and occurred in urban districts. Most recorded clinical findings were normal or preserved, although a small subgroup showed physiological instability. Several sex-based differences were statistically significant, but their effect sizes were generally small. Confirmed prehospital death was recorded in 132 encounters (0.45%). In the exploratory Firth model, severe respiratory status (aOR 56.02, 95% CI 8.62-364.05), altered consciousness (aOR 10.71, 95% CI 1.67-68.67), and cyanotic skin (aOR 4.24, 95% CI 2.67-6.73) were associated with the highest adjusted odds ratios for confirmed prehospital death.
Conclusions
Violence-related EMS encounters were concentrated among young adult males, and most did not meet the confirmed-death definition. Nevertheless, a clinically important subgroup presented with physiological instability. In the exploratory analysis, confirmed prehospital death was most strongly associated with acute physiological compromise; operational intervals should be interpreted cautiously as potential markers of case complexity and EMS workflow rather than as causal determinants.
Drawing up a micro-history of the underresearched “Northern Front” of the Angolan conflict allows us to nuance recent historiography of the Angolan conflict, which focuses chiefly on how UNITA acted out its state-building project in the territories it controlled in the center and South of the country. Looking at actual practices of governance and control in the North reveals a shifting mosaic of territorial control, marked both by coercion and the cultivation of consent through the deployment of nationalist mobilization, of repertoires of stateness, and the provision of services to the population.
Cannabis use is a known risk factor for adverse mental health outcomes, including psychosis, which is frequently associated with aggression. However, the specific impact of cannabis use on the risk of violence remains unclear. This meta-analysis, conducted according to PRISMA guidelines, synthesized evidence from 63 peer-reviewed studies (N = 265,079) identified via MEDLINE, EMBASE, and PsycINFO searches up to November 2024 to clarify the link between cannabis use and violence, either as a perpetrator or as a victim. Random-effects models revealed that cannabis users are at a significantly higher risk of perpetrating violent acts. This association was observed in both psychiatric patients (OR 2.49, 95% CI 1.72–3.61) and the general population (OR 2.05, 95% CI 1.74–2.41), and remained significant across both longitudinal (OR 1.17, 95% CI 1.07–1.28) and cross-sectional (OR 2.37, 95% CI 1.66–3.40) study designs. There was an especially large effect for violence involving a criminal conviction in both general (OR 3.75, 95% CI 2.54–5.53) and psychiatric (OR 4.21, 95% CI 2.86–6.22) populations. Furthermore, cannabis use was significantly associated with an increased risk of becoming a victim of violence (OR 1.49, 95% CI 1.38–1.60), a risk more pronounced in females and mixed-gender cohorts compared to males. This meta-analysis indicates an increased risk of violence, especially that resulting in a criminal conviction, among cannabis users. It also highlights the potential of cannabis use as a target for interventions to decrease violence, and underscores the need for routine assessment of cannabis use among psychiatric patients.
Antipsychotics are used to manage hostility and aggressive behaviour in schizophrenia, but their comparative efficacy remains unclear.
Aims
To compare the efficacy of antipsychotics for reducing hostility and aggressive behaviour in schizophrenia.
Method
We searched PubMed, PsycINFO, ClinicalTrials.gov, and the Cochrane Schizophrenia Group’s register to 25 April 2025. Two reviewers screened studies and extracted data. We included randomised controlled trials in adults with schizophrenia or related psychotic disorders assessing hostility or aggressive behaviour with ≥48 h follow-up. Standardised mean differences (SMDs) were synthesised in a frequentist random-effects network meta-analysis. Confidence was assessed using Confidence In Network Meta-Analysis. The protocol was registered in PROSPERO (CRD42024572272).
Results
Forty-one studies involving 21 025 participants and 18 antipsychotics were included. Most studies were based on double-blind, parallel-group trials (37/41, 90%), with a median follow-up of 8 weeks (interquartile range = 6). The most common outcome measures were hostility items or related subscales from symptom rating scales (36/41, 88%). Compared with placebo, several antipsychotics reduced hostility and aggressive behaviour. Clozapine (SMD –0.75, 95% CI –1.13 to –0.38), paliperidone (–0.62, –0.88 to –0.36), and olanzapine (–0.60, –0.86 to –0.35) showed the largest effects. Smaller but significant effects were observed for asenapine, risperidone, aripiprazole and haloperidol (SMD range –0.52 to –0.30). Confidence in the evidence was low or very low, mainly due to within-study bias and incoherence.
Conclusions
Antipsychotics reduced hostility and aggressive behaviour in predominantly short- to medium-term studies. Clozapine, paliperidone and olanzapine appeared most effective, although low-certainty evidence limits conclusions about differences between antipsychotics. Further trials with aggressive behaviour as the primary outcome and longer follow-up are needed.
This study reports findings from the pilot phase of the Houston hospital-based violence intervention program (HVIP). Between January and March 2025, 15 gunshot wound patients aged 16–35 years were enrolled and randomized to receive either intensive three-month case management or usual care. Participants had high socioeconomic vulnerability, and moderate levels of PTSD symptoms and attitudes toward guns and violence. The pilot study achieved an 85.7% follow-up rate, demonstrating the feasibility of enrolling and retaining this population. Findings lay the groundwork for a full randomized controlled trial to evaluate the effectiveness of the HVIP in reducing reinjury and improving health outcomes.
Many authoritarian regimes, including some of the world's most populous autocracies, such as China and Egypt, often do not make it clear what views, attitudes, and behaviors people may express openly without being sanctioned. This Element investigates how the uncertainty that this style of rule instills among people impacts the effectiveness of repression in deterring dissent. The authors develop a novel argument about how it can magnify the effect of repression by affecting how people understand what repression signals about a regime's resolve to sanction dissent. Their analysis, based on two laboratory experiments conducted in Egypt, confirms their argument and, in the process, challenges aspects of prominent behavioral arguments linking negative emotions to uncertainty. The authors' results imply that repression is least effective against acts of dissent regimes are opposed to the most and are very clear about their resolve to repress them as a result.
This article investigates Sarah Kane’s Blasted (1995) through Dominick LaCapra’s concept of ‘empathic unsettlement’, analyzing how the play transforms theatrical spectatorship into an ethical confrontation with violence. Kane’s ‘in-yer-face’ dramaturgy dismantles naturalistic boundaries, collapsing a private hotel room into a war-torn landscape where the personal and political fuse in a relentless exposure of brutality. Drawing on LaCapra’s distinction between ‘acting out’ and ‘working through’, the discussion explores how Kane converts trauma from representation to experience, compelling audiences to oscillate between immersion and reflection. Ian’s progression from perpetrator to victim, his detached journalism, and the play’s fragmentation of time and space collectively enact an ethics of witnessing that resists voyeurism and moral closure. By situating Kane’s theatre within debates on trauma, spectatorship, and media desensitization, including the ideas of Susan Sontag and Judith Butler, the article argues that Blasted teaches empathy through discomfort, inserting the passivity of spectators and demanding moral responsiveness. In doing so, Kane redefines theatrical realism not as a mirror of violence but as a site where empathy, horror, and ethical awareness co-exist in productive tension.
When the Reformation first emerged in France in the 1520s, Francis I decided to deal with it by prosecuting Protestants as heretics in the parlements’ courts. This policy proved wholly inadequate in stopping the growth of Protestantism, even though it was continued by his son, Henry II. When Henry died in 1559, and then his son, Francis II, in 1560, Catherine de Medici sought to find some form of religious coexistence, as Protestants had grown to maybe 1.8 million in a population of 18 million. The result was the Edict of January.
This chapter proposes to show that reading Martin Amis’s representation of women in his London Trilogy today raises a number of issues related to the elusive nature of the author’s voice and values in the text. In Money and London Fields in particular, the violence women are submitted to by the male narrators and characters, even though partaking of the satire Amis brushes upon British society in the 1980s, tends to systematically portray women as victims. However, it must not be forgotten that Amis also introduces a number of female figures of relative empowerment in his novels, whose various forms of agency (murderees, authors, femmes fatales) are worth pointing out. The question as to the reality of this agency has to be raised, however, in the context of the general economy of the simulacrum which Amis’s novels denounce and promote. If Amis’s carnivalesque satires leave nothing unscathed and celebrate the death of all great narratives, how can the feminist narrative be applied to them? It seems that Amis’s own beliefs in the powers and of language and language games provide a key to beginning to answer this question.
Explores the scope and context of enslavers’ regimentation of communal food practices among adults. Addresses the complexities of quantifying different cooking and eating regimes and considers food cultures on special occasions. Emphasizes the everyday rather than the unusual, although people often remembered annual feasts because these events played an important part in enslavers systems of “rewards and punishments.” Explores the idealized tracts of enslavers to illuminate the ways in which they felt the food of enslaved adults should be regimented. Considers how the realities of that experience as recalled by those formerly enslaved sharpen the dichotomy between these two perspectives, even as the broad parameters of food regimentation and the role of quarters’ cooks remain broadly the same. Elaborates upon quarters’ cooks who additionally catered for enslavers, including occasionally enslaved men, and upon white women’s self-serving involvement in collective eating regimes. Finally, the chapter examines some of the horrific ways in which enslavers used food as a tool of punishment, a means of heightening enslavers’ power and control, and ultimately their profits.
This impassioned address in early 1976 is a call to Lebanon’s intellectuals, academics and moral leaders to awaken and act in response to the country’s worsening crisis at the beginning of the long civil war. It criticizes the inaction and withdrawal of Lebanon’s thinkers and visionaries as the nation suffers under deep political, economic and social distress. Musa Sadr urges these leaders to rise from complacency, stop their retreat into private or foreign safe havens and fulfill their responsibilities to the homeland.
Lebanon is portrayed as a unique, divinely endowed nation, rich in history and human potential, yet torn by division, corruption and despair. The text warns against sectarianism, political factionalism and superficial reforms, which only deepen fear and dysfunction. It calls instead for a radical, unified vision to rebuild Lebanon on principles of equality, justice and shared citizenship.
A new Lebanon must emerge – one that embraces diversity, champions the Palestinian cause, utilizes its natural and human resources wisely and reclaims its role as a center for interfaith dialogue and civilizational harmony. The address ends by urging the nation’s moral and intellectual stewards to develop and implement a comprehensive plan to heal divisions, bring in the marginalized and restore dignity, hope and purpose to all Lebanese.
Hatred can be understood as a persistent affective disposition that is based on an experienced grievance and injustice and aims at revenge against its originator, in extreme cases at the destruction of the enemy. The special dynamics and radicality of hatred result from the retention of affect, which is caused by the perceived own weakness or powerlessness of the hater. It is precisely this retention that allows hatred to grow and accumulate in the latency phase until it can finally turn into acute destructive actions. This individual dynamic is found in potentiated form in the hatred of groups, which can be traced back to social and political experiences of grievance. The chapter examines the phenomenology of hatred and the resulting form of individual and collective destructiveness on the basis of literary examples, psychological disorders, and societal phenomena.