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What factors drive European firms to disengage from China? In the context of intensifying economic nationalism and the geopoliticization of trade and investment policies, little beyond anecdotal evidence is known about whether—and to what extent—these factors influence European firms’ decision to pull away from the largest, and perhaps the most important offshore location in the world. We draw on a novel database of European firms’ ownership position in China over a 13-year period (2009–2022) to assess the effects of geopolitical distance, policy incentives, and anti-globalization attitudes on European firms’ choice of divesting from China. We conduct both firm-level and sector-level analyses. Our firm-level analyses suggest that geopolitical distance from China and anti-globalization sentiment are both drivers of European firms’ divestment from China. The sector-level analyses show that geopolitical distance and anti-globalization sentiment are associated with divestment, with an additional effect of anti-globalization sentiment when interacted with policy instruments. These effects are conditional and heterogeneous rather than indicative of a broad-based European retreat from China: most firms in our sample maintain their ownership positions, and divestment remains the exception.
Over recent decades, international trade has expanded significantly, increasing economic integration but also amplifying systemic vulnerabilities. Recent global shocks, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia–Ukraine conflict, have exposed the fragility of international trade systems, underscoring the need for analytical tools to enable timely, evidence-based trade policy. This paper introduces TERRA, an analytical framework created by the Italian National Institute of Statistics to support the monitoring and analysis of European trade patterns using official statistics. Using high-frequency Eurostat COMEXT data, TERRA integrates network-based representations and time series indicators to identify structural vulnerabilities, emerging concentrations, and changes in countries’ roles within trade networks. Beyond interactive monitoring, the framework supports advanced analytical extensions, including programmatic longitudinal analyses and model-based counterfactual analyses, designed to explore trade reallocation mechanisms under stylized supply shocks. The analytical potential of TERRA is shown through two case studies: electricity trade during the COVID-19 pandemic and weapons and ammunition trade during the Russia–Ukraine conflict. The findings demonstrate how network-based monitoring tools, grounded in official statistics, can effectively interpret complex trade dynamics and support evidence-based trade governance.
Cette note de recherche examine la convergence des politiques économiques du Canada et du Québec avec le cadre discursif élaboré par l’administration Biden autour des chaînes d’approvisionnement en minéraux critiques. Elle montre comment les États-Unis érigent les chaînes d’approvisionnement en enjeu de sécurité nationale, impliquant leurs principaux partenaires économiques dans une stratégie de friendshoring. L’étude met en évidence une logique duale de coopération et de compétition entre le Canada et les États-Unis, révélant une adhésion partielle du Canada au projet sécuritaire américain. Le nœud du problème tient au fait que le Canada aspire à créer des chaînes de valeur sur son territoire afin de transformer ses ressources naturelles avant leur exportation. Dans le contexte nord-américain, ce projet est en compétition avec les États-Unis sur les segments clés de la chaîne de valeur, situés en aval de l’exploitation minière.
Intellectual property (IP) rights have long faced strong legitimacy criticisms. As the vaccine debates during the COVID-19 pandemic showed, IP is often seen as a problematic asset of powerful private companies and developed economies. This book addresses these criticisms by focusing on a renewed interpretation of the TRIPS – the key international treaty for IP. By combining international law analysis and political theory, this work presents the TRIPS as the structuring agreement of the international IP regime rather than treating it as a technical trade instrument. Drawing on the ideal of freedom defined as protection against domination, the book develops a legal philosophy of the TRIPS, revisiting its foundations and proposing a renewed interpretation of its key norms. This reframing highlights how the treaty can potentially provide consistency and foreseeability in a conflict-ridden global multilateral trade system where weaker trade partners are often at a disadvantage. This title is also available as open access on Cambridge Core.
This chapter examines the legal and institutional frameworks governing international trade and communication in the ancient Near East, focusing on the third to first millennia BC. It highlights the uneven distribution of textual evidence across time and regions, with the richest sources coming from the Old Assyrian trade network in Anatolia during the early second millennium. Through treaties, letters and legal documents, the chapter explores how merchants and messengers operated across borders, the protections they received and the obligations they faced. It discusses the role of commercial treaties, trade partnerships and diplomatic exchanges, emphasising the integration of trade with political and legal systems. The chapter also addresses the regulation of foreign merchants residing abroad, the risks of long-distance trade and the mechanisms for dispute resolution. By analysing key sites such as Ebla, Mari, Kanesh and Ugarit, it provides a comprehensive view of how ancient states facilitated and controlled international commerce, laying early foundations for international trade law.
Inaugurated in 1948 with initially 23 signatories, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) constituted a vital part of the post-war economic architecture. While traditionally the founding of the GATT has been strongly identified with the role of US hegemonic power and free trade enthusiasm, this article reframes the GATT’s origins by highlighting how (anti-)imperial dynamics shaped negotiations over its basic elements, including participation, membership, and permissible exceptions to most-favoured nation principles. Drawing on sources from the GATT archives and government documents from the United Kingdom and the United States, it highlights how empires sought to preserve key elements of imperial economic relations, including by incorporating imperial authority structures, preserving colonial preference systems, and creating other exceptions to trade liberalization. It also shows how developing countries leveraged the trade negotiations to loosen the grip of empires, expand participation, and promote regional and developmental cooperation. Consequently, the final GATT outcome represents a hybrid and transitionary organization, with the organization preserving key elements of imperial economic relations even as it incorporated some demands for the equality of states and economic justice.
For the third time in a century, the concept of critical minerals has become a central theme in international trade and security debates. Materials criticality discourse first arose in the late 1930s and 1940s. It was taken up again from the mid-1970s through to mid-1980s and has become ubiquitous in post-pandemic debates concerning the global energy transition in a context of escalating geopolitical volatility. This article examines the evolution of critical minerals discourse over a century, with a focus on these three periods. It seeks to identify the contexts in which criticality claims have emerged and to examine the politics of critical minerals discourse in this third wave. It argues that critical minerals discourse has evolved in response to geopolitical instability understood by the US to threaten its hegemony; and that critical minerals discourse in its third wave has thus far served four major political functions. First, critical minerals discourse has served as a rhetorical device for asserting that the security of the US and its allies lies in the defence of US hegemony, and not in the defence of international institutions and trade norms. Second, critical minerals discourse has served as an effective means of leveraging geopolitical instability in favour of extractive interests. Third, critical minerals discourse has worked to re-mystify the economics of market speculation and the predictability of state intervention in markets. Finally, critical minerals discourse has been used to leverage the existential urgency of the climate crisis in favour of elite and extractive interests and against local communities and ecosystems.
This chapter examines the international rules governing SOEs, including those in the World Trade Organization and various free trade agreements (FTAs), focusing on the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The chapter analyses the specific provisions of CPTPP Chapter 17, which sets forth a comprehensive set of disciplines on SOEs, including definitions of SOEs, commercial activities, commercial considerations, designated monopolies, and non-commercial assistance. It also discusses the concepts of adverse effect and injury caused by SOEs, as well as exceptions to the disciplines. Finally, the chapter offers observations on the CPTPP’s rules, including the definition of SOEs, the scope of commercial activities, and the extraterritorial effect of FTAs.
This chapter explores the relationship between international trade and sustainable development, with a particular focus on climate change. It traces the evolution of the multilateral trading system from its origins in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to the present day, highlighting the shift from a focus on trade liberalisation to a broader commitment to sustainable development. The chapter examines how the World Trade Organization has grappled with integrating environmental concerns into its framework, including the development of ‘greening’ jurisprudence, institutions, and rules. It proposes a reform agenda to further align the trading system with global sustainability goals, emphasising the need for alignment with climate change commitments, harmonised sustainability standards, reformed subsidy approaches, governance and institutional reforms, and a focus on equity and justice.
This chapter examines the historical development of economic thought concerning international trade, tracing its evolution from early barter systems to contemporary theories. It explores mercantilism, classical theories of absolute and comparative advantage by Smith and Ricardo, and neoclassical economics’ focus on consumer preferences. The chapter delves into imperfect competition, introducing concepts like monopolistic power and product differentiation, which led to ‘New Trade Theory’. It also discusses efficiency maximisation, non-discrimination principles like MFN and national treatment, trade in services, and international vertical integration. The chapter concludes by emphasising the significance of reciprocity in trade relations and the role of the WTO in promoting international cooperation and reducing trade barriers.
This chapter discusses the history and evolution of international intellectual property rights (IPRs) protection, focusing on the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) Agreement. It examines the justifications for and debates surrounding the extension of developed country-style IPRs to developing nations, as well as the TRIPS provisions themselves. The chapter also addresses the conflicts between TRIPS and other international regimes, such as the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the significant public health concerns raised by TRIPS, particularly regarding access to essential medicines. Finally, it concludes by analysing the distributive impact of TRIPS and the challenges posed by emerging technologies like artificial intelligence.
This introduction to The Cambridge Companion to World Trade Law introduces the book’s purpose and structure. The volume is intended to be an authoritative and accessible guide to the field, appealing to both legal specialists and those with no specialist knowledge of trade law. It is written by experts and provides a compact discussion of the perspectives, enduring issues, and emergent challenges in the field. The introduction also discusses the current context of world trade, highlighting the divisions in the world following decades of growth and the challenges posed by globalisation. It sets the stage for the chapters that follow.
This chapter examines the political economy of international trade policy, exploring the evolution of the international trading system from the GATT to the WTO. It analyses the fault lines between free trade and fair trade and winners and losers, and the role of labour market policies in addressing transition costs. It also discusses the challenges facing the WTO, including institutional dysfunction and an expanding mandate. It proposes potential solutions, such as plurilateral agreements and improved institutional arrangements, while emphasising the need for collaboration with other international agencies. The chapter concludes by stressing the urgency of recovering the aspirations of the post-war international order to address current global challenges.
This chapter discusses the relationship between WTO law and other public international law (PIL), focusing on the interpretation of WTO law through the lens of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT). It examines how WTO dispute settlement bodies have approached non-WTO law, particularly in the context of treaty interpretation and potential conflicts between legal regimes. The chapter argues that while the VCLT provides a framework for interpretation, it has limitations in addressing conflicts between different agreements, as illustrated by the interaction between the Paris Agreement and the WTO. The authors contend that legislative solutions within the WTO are necessary to address these conflicts and ensure the WTO’s continued relevance in the face of global challenges like climate change.
This Element presents the main characteristics of international trade in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region by analyzing whether its trade policy managed to build or break bridges among MENA countries and with the rest of the world. Its objective is threefold. First, it provides an overview of trade theories from the MENA region perspective. Second, it analyzes the main trends and features of trade flows and trade policies. Third, it shows how trade policies had different development outcomes related to gender, informal employment, and the composition of labor demand. The main findings show that trade policies and domestic characteristics explain the relatively poor performance of trade flows in most of the diversified MENA economies. Also, the MENA region is highly affected by world business cycles given that this region is the largest exporter of oil. Finally, development outcomes still need to be streamlined within trade policies.
How does government partisanship affect strike intensity? While there is a strong emergent literature examining the consequences of labour strikes on political attitudes, how politics affects strikes is less well understood. This is despite the fact that strikes historically have been politically salient and have had political goals. In line with previous contributions, this research note shows that labour strikes in the OECD are generally less intense with higher representation of left-wing parties in government. However, this effect is conditional on levels of economic globalisation: as trade penetration increases, left-wing parties in government become less able to address the concerns of organised labour, and the effect of government partisanship on strike intensity attenuates. These findings matter for understanding the traditional alliance between labour movements and left-wing parties in advanced democracies with open economies.
This paper contributes to the discussion on the link between international trade policy and food and nutrition security by looking at whether and how these concepts are addressed in Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). We compile a dataset covering almost 600 PTAs that entered into force between 1948 and 2024, and apply textual analysis to show that the number of references to food security has increased over recent decades. To analyse the role of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) in shaping the rules and practices of international food trade, we investigate the placement, function, and significance of food security provisions in four case studies, looking at the extent to which the regulatory approaches of these PTAs align with or diverge from the relevant provisions of the WTO AoA. Our study reveals that, despite the growing prominence of food security and nutrition in PTAs, their regulatory approaches largely align with the AoA and seldom overcome its shortcomings. While some agreements introduce broader and more contemporary understandings of food security, binding commitments remain limited and structural tensions between national and global objectives persist.
National security concerns have long shaped international relations, with economic interdependence traditionally seen as fostering stability. However, recent geopolitical shifts have challenged this assumption. The strategic rivalry, particularly between the US and China, has raised the stakes of international competition and new forms of economic warfare. Historically committed to multilateralism, the EU faces pressures to reassess its approach due to an increasing use of economic coercion by other states. Emerging powers, particularly BRICS, are also redefining their roles in the global order, employing economic tools to counter Western hegemony. As unilateralism rises and the effectiveness of multilateral institutions like the WTO is questioned, a “new geo-economic order” appears to be emerging. This Chapter creates the basis for the normative and evaluative questions of this book by exploring how major economic players navigate national security concerns in an increasingly fragmented trade landscape.
This chapter examines the paradoxical success of the most demanding form of market integration, the Single Market established in 1992, which is based on the federalisation of numerous pieces of legislation. It is surprising that twelve European states, among the richest in the world, felt the need to link their markets so closely, even though they could have perfectly well continued alone. The creation of a unified market gradually became the central aspect of European cooperation between 1919 (when Keynes first aired his ideas on this topic) and 1957. The countermodel of the British-style free trade area (FTA) emerged as a major alternative but it failed. A genuine Single Market was established in the late 1980s. It had three striking features. First, it was put in place quickly between 1987 and 1992, enabling the unprecedented opening of the Union’s internal borders. Second, liberalisation was accompanied by enhanced regulation, in accordance with the oxymoron ‘freer market, more rules’, including a surprising rise of federal competition policy. Third, this move was opposed by several neoliberal figures, such as British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the late 1980s.
Chapter 3 moves to the global level, exploring the history of technology control and its historical links to geopolitics. It begins by considering control of technology in the context of the Cold War and technology as being explicitly considered a security issue in terms of the conflict between the US and the Soviet Union. It covers the CoCom technology restrictions imposed by the US, and Soviet Union attempts to gain access to critical technologies through Comecon, before considering how the approach to technology changed substantially with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the belief in the triumph of the liberal international order and globalism as reflected by the World Trade Organization and ‘free trade’. It then explores the multifaceted crises impacting upon this conviction in the benefits and resilience of the global trade system, the increased economic conflict between the US and China as a rising technological power, and a move from multilateralism in a ‘unipolar’ system to increased nationalism and protectionism in a ‘multipolar’ system, and what this meant for the EU’s sense of insecurity and vulnerability in the context of geopolitical reordering.