This article reconstructs the architectural measurement system employed at Mitla, Oaxaca, challenging the long-previous interpretations that no coherent system of measurement existed at the site. Through a systematic analysis of architectural components, it identifies a locally defined system of length measurement based on a common anthropometric core—the palm—reproduced through generative bases and articulated with selected numerical entities.

The analysis identifies a primary unit, P23 (1.84 m), together with additional units selectively assigned according to architectural category, spatial group, and social function. What previously appeared to be dimensional irregularity is shown to reflect a structural system of an architectural planning.

Beyond defining dimensions, the combination of units and numerical entities organized architectural space and incorporated concepts associated with ritual time, death, renewal, and cosmic order. Recurrent dimensional relationships involving the 52-year Mesoamerican cycle indicate that measurement formed part of a broader symbolic framework embedded in architectural design.

The study documents a previously unknown Zapotec system of measurement, expanding current knowledge the diversity of Mesaoamerican systems of measurement. More broadly, it shows that architectural measurement formed an integrated components of ritualized design, consistent with the ceremonial character of Mitla, known in Zapotec as Lyobáa, “the place where souls rest.”

This study analyzes data from multiple excavation projects to investigate the procurement and production strategies of obsidian blades in Mexico’s Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley, focusing on the socioeconomic interactions among various groups from the Middle Formative period (900–500 b.c.) to the Late Postclassic period (a.d. 1250–1519). Geochemical and geospatial analyses indicate that obsidian previously attributed to the El Paredón source predominantly originates from its Tres Cabezas subsource. The analysis of obsidian artifacts from nine sites reveals that local blade production processes began at intermediate stages, with cores being reduced to produce prismatic blades primarily for local consumption. Technological evidence suggests that procurement strategies evolved from independent acquisition patterns to more complex cooperative systems that likely involved itinerant artisans and merchants who sustained a consistent regional supply network. This study underscores the pivotal role of sociocultural relationships and trade networks in the distribution of obsidian. The continuity and adaptability of these procurement and production strategies ensured a stable supply of obsidian blades, shedding light on the intricate political and economic landscape of the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley over millennia.

Photographs of a previously unpublished Maya vase, smuggled out of Belize in 1979, reside in the Image Collections and Fieldwork Archives at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington, DC. This vase, alongside dozens of others that I cataloged in the Dumbarton Oaks archives, is an example of the so-called “Holmul Dancer theme” in Maya ceramics. Re-examining this tradition in light of the new information from the vase, and from other recent discoveries, reveals how ceramic artists of the early ninth century used the dancing maize god as an allegory for the political landscape they witnessed rapidly changing around them. The vase also provides a case study in the potentially salubrious outcomes of archival and provenance research on looted materials. Should the vessel ever re-emerge, this research provides supporting evidence necessary to repatriate it to Belize.

This article considers the nature of divinity and the supernatural among the ancient Maya (ca. a.d. 200–900), not by examining the shared pantheon of this ancient civilization, but instead by investigating an alternate category of the supernatural, namely, triadic tutelary deities. One of the features of these entities is that these were tied to place, since these were specifically connected to particular capitals and polities. We will thus be looking at regional variation in belief systems, and the evidence that we have, as afforded by epigraphy, iconography, and archaeology. We describe the veneration of tutelary deities at several archaeological sites, focusing on those that explicitly designate a set of deities as ux luut k’uh or “three-in-a-set-deities.” Using this comparative data and introducing the evidence that we have for such tutelary deities at the archaeological site of Caracol, in what is now Belize, we present new interpretations of the epigraphic and archaeological record connected with these triadic tutelary deities and their cult complexes.

This article reinterprets the reverse of the Codex Cospi, a Postclassic Central Mexican manuscript. Challenging long-standing views that the iconography in its plates refers to hunting rituals or protective ceremonies against poisonous animals, the article argues that they instead record ritual protocols for the presentation of offerings to divine effigies enshrined in temples. Through a comparison with other codices, archaeological data, and historical sources, the article proposes that the anthropomorphic figures depict temple images of deities, while the surrounding elements encode offerings of blood, aromatic, and coloring substances intended to be deposited before these images in prescribed quantities and sequences. Situating this imagery within Mesoamerican practices of communication with the divine, the article suggests that the reverse of the Codex Cospi functioned as a ritual manual complementing its divinatory obverse. Finally, it considers the possibility that the reverse has been produced in the workshop of a modest, possibly rural community, thereby illuminating the social context of this rare manuscript.

In 2005, McCafferty and Steinbrenner presented new radiocarbon dates from Santa Isabel to challenge the traditional ceramic sequence for the Postclassic of Pacific Nicaragua. Since then, several projects have generated more data, such that a new chronology and cultural sequence can now be suggested. In this article we present 79 chronometric dates from 19 sites, representing a 1,500-year temporal span. This new scheme is divorced from the existing chronology of the “Greater Nicoya” region that includes both Pacific Nicaragua and northwestern Costa Rica because of perceived distinctions in ceramic types (and other cultural traits). It also facilitates better comparisons with cultural traditions of greater Mesoamerica, especially the development of the Mixteca-Puebla stylistic tradition.

The idea that nobles could embody deities through impersonation was crucial to representations of power among the Classic-period Maya (a.d. 250–900). The final section of the Sabana Piletas Hieroglyphic Stairway (Campeche, Mexico), featuring a tripartite record of deity impersonation, is one of the clearest Late Classic manifestations of this tradition. However, the third impersonation formula has remained difficult to read, hindering its integration into broader discussions. This article offers a new epigraphic analysis, focusing on the three impersonated deities and the prepositional constructions that mark the contexts of impersonation. This article identifies the third deity as a form of Jun Ajaw whose impersonation emphasizes the ballgame, complementing two other impersonations that foreground warfare (the Sun God) and lordship (the Water Serpent). Comparing this passage to parallels on the Cuychen vase (Belize) and the Xultun murals (Guatemala), I argue that such groupings of impersonation formulae serve to conceptually demarcate key aspects of rulership. With its unique triplet of extended impersonation formulae, the Sabana Piletas inscription exemplifies how Late Classic texts could use impersonation to articulate what it meant to be a ruler, notably placing the ballgame in the same ideological register as waging war and governing.

The archaeological site of Edzna, located in the Peninsula of Yucatan, Mexico, provides insights into the ways in which ancient Maya used sound in ceremonial activities, and serves as evidence for the architectural and acoustic ability developed by ancient societies. This study employs data from acoustic measurements at key Edzna locations such as the Main Plaza, Great and Small Acropolises, to explore sound propagation in these areas. This research analyzes acoustic data using techniques to better understand this archaeological site as a dynamic space that offers profound insights into the interplay of sound, space, and society. The findings reveal that its architecture was probably designed to enhance auditory experiences, from public ceremonies to private meetings. The data show that sound played a crucial role in Maya societal and political functions, and archaeological evidence, including hieroglyphs, stelae, and sound-making instruments, supports this interpretation. The methodological approach, involving rigorous acoustic measurements and data analysis, underscores the impact of environmental factors such as wind and temperature on sound propagation. This research contributes to a broader understanding of ancient Maya culture and its integration of acoustics into architectural and ceremonial contexts.

This study examines the relationship between the Long Count and emergent kingship in the central Maya Lowlands. The Long Count was instrumental in the prosperity of lowland Maya kingship during the Classic period (ca. a.d. 250–900), yet its initial application in relation to the emergence of kingship remains poorly understood. We conducted epigraphic, iconographic, and archaeological research at the Maya site of El Palmar, Campeche, Mexico. By integrating traditional and new techniques, including photogrammetry and high-resolution 3D scanning, we studied El Palmar Stelae 20, 45, and 46. Notably, our study of Stela 46 identified a Long Count 8.7.1.0.0 (a.d. 180), which is currently the earliest known Long Count in the Maya Lowlands. Unlike other early monuments, Stela 46 preserves royal events alongside calendar dates. The 3D models revealed previously unknown inscriptions that link royal succession to calendrical events, providing insights into the role of the 260-day divinatory calendar and the Long Count in asserting royal authority through ritual practices. By contextualizing these results within the broader framework of lowland Maya kingship, this research not only elucidates the emergence of El Palmar kingship but also enriches our understanding of regional dynamics during this transformative period.

Studies of pottery production and exchange under the Mexica (Aztec) empire have emphasized the role of elites, the constraints created by the market system, or the effects of persistent regionalism in shaping economic patterns. We build on those studies by emphasizing the role of commoners and how their decisions and strategies shaped pottery production and exchange after the formation of the Mexica empire. We present a neutron activation analysis of 111 pottery samples from Xaltocan, including a variety of decorated and undecorated serving vessels and utilitarian pottery from contexts that date to the Mexica empire. The chemical composition of the pottery indicates production of different types at Xaltocan, Cuauhtitlan, Tenochtitlan, Texcoco, Otumba, Chalco, and the southern basin of Mexico. While some types were produced at a variety of locales, a few of the types sampled were produced only or mostly at Xaltocan, including Red Ware, Aztec Polychrome, and Fabric Marked pottery. The findings suggest that commoners were actively copying or producing different types without elite or Mexica control, and that perhaps they preferred to use some locally produced types instead of pottery made elsewhere. The findings show the power of commoners in shaping their economic lives even under imperial control.

This article attempts to clarify the nature and structure of the Nahua otherworlds. It follows in the footsteps of scholars who have demonstrated the inaccuracy of the Sahaguntine view of the Nahua destinations of the dead. The article begins by analyzing multiple Mesoamerican alphabetic and graphic accounts of journeys to the world beyond, and concludes that the Nahua divided their supernatural dimension into two parts, classified by the numbers eight and nine. “Eight” described a realm of communication with the gods, while “nine”—a realm of destruction and subsequent transformation into new life. Next, the article proposes that concepts such as Mictlan, Tlalocan, or Tonatiuh Ichan, traditionally understood as supernatural “regions,” were conceptual domains, each related to a particular space, time, gods, attributes, and potential actions. The article analyzes four of such domains, all related to the metamorphoses of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl: Tlillan Tlapallan, Tlahuizcalli, Itzmictlan, and Chiucnauhnepaniuhcan. This analysis not only leads to a new way of understanding the Nahua otherworlds as a whole. It also sheds light on the life cycle of the key Nahua god and his mysterious “destination,” Tlillan Tlapallan.

Recent research has identified numerous distinctive architectural complexes in the central and western Maya Lowlands. Characterized by concentric arrays of low structures, these assemblages are consistent with Conquest-period descriptions of central Mexican marketplaces. Predominantly dating to the Classic period (ca. a.d. 250–900), they are also remarkably similar to the East Plaza of Tikal and the Chiik Nahb complex at Calakmul, both interpreted as markets based on multiple lines of evidence. The low, narrow, elongated mounds arranged in concentric circles or rectangles are likely remnants of platforms that once supported perishable stalls for displaying goods, with the intervening aisles functioning as walkways. Associated major structures and annexed courtyards may have accommodated administrative authorities or served as storage facilities. Stone altars and shrine remains within these complexes, along with the occasional presence of ballcourts and ceremonial buildings, align with well-documented religious and ritual aspects of Mesoamerican trade. While further research will undoubtedly detect more of these nested constructions, their distribution appears to be geographically limited. Since the available evidence strongly suggests that they represent a regional variant of ancient Maya built markets, this study also explores their distribution in relation to major trade routes, environmental constraints, and regional economic specializations.

Between 2012 and 2014, a crew from the Pacbitun Regional Archaeological Project (PRAP) excavated a small mound located on the western periphery of the Pacbitun site, a medium-sized ancient Maya center located in west-central Belize. That mound consisted of a thick deposit of granite sand and debitage, revealing a record of the production of several thousand granite tools dating to the Late Classic period. Since those excavations, a total of 22 similar mounds have been recorded, with 11 tested. All tested mounds reveal a similar material record representing periodically used working platforms where granite tools were shaped and finished during the Late Classic period. The recorded granite debris mounds are distributed over an area of 1 km2 some 500 m from Pacbitun’s core, an area that we suggest represents a community of attached, part-time specialists making granite tools on a seasonal basis. Given the scale of granite tool production, we suspect this community made tools not just for local consumption, but also for consumption outside of Pacbitun as part of a strategy to navigate the dynamic political Late Classic landscape of the Belize River Valley.

Research on ground stone tools has expanded exponentially over the years. Here, I present the context of the initial work on granite sourcing that connected archaeological sites in Guatemala to sources in Belize. I also attempt to put into perspective the subsequent research that has been carried out, much of which is reported and elaborated in this Compact Section.

This article outlines our research into granite use by the ancient Maya of the Alabama Townsite—a Late to Terminal Classic (ca. a.d. 700–900) rapid-growth community in East-Central Belize, part of the Eastern Maya Lowlands. One of our initial hypotheses regarding the seemingly sudden appearance of the town toward the end of the Late Classic period focused on granite as a staple resource exploited by its residents. We highlight current results of local geological surveys and related spatial, geochemical, and petrographic studies; preliminary analyses of surface-collected and excavated archaeological assemblages and architectural elements; and attempts at community-engaged experimental archaeology. We conclude that while ancient Alabamans did not extract granite as a staple resource for export, which could have fueled the community’s growth, they nonetheless valued granite in many ways, which we highlight in our discussion.

While ethnographic observation has revealed nuances of ground stone production techniques and practical uses, there has been little theorizing about the archaeological exchange and movement of these goods or their deeper social meanings. In previous research, we obtained secure geochemical signatures for an ancient Maya ground stone tool assemblage by sourcing granite outcrops in Belize, enabling us to trace the provenience of certain archaeological assemblages. To understand the exchange mechanisms by which ground stone tools moved around the landscape, we explore three non-mutually exclusive models. We outline our expectations of material correlates for the archaeological record based on these exchange hypotheses and evaluate our assemblages against these expectations. This work helps broaden understandings of the organizational importance of ground stone tool production, exchange, and usage within ancient Maya society, critical first steps for investigating the socioeconomic dimensions of these tools.

This work compares the use of palace diplomacy and propaganda by the rulers of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan. It builds on studies of the cultural exchange between the Roman and Sasanian empires from the third to sixth centuries a.d., which led to a diplomatic protocol shared by these two realms. This protocol and Liudprand of Cremona’s account of diplomatic receptions are the basis for comparative analysis. Drawing on Hernando Alvarado Tezozómoc’s Crónica Mexicana and other sixteenth-century sources, this study identifies key characteristics of diplomacy in Mesoamerica. It explores how Mexico-Tenochtitlan employed palace diplomacy and propaganda from the reign of Motecuhzoma Ilhuicamina to Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin. Through this analysis, we find that the diplomatic and propaganda objectives of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan had distinct focuses. The Byzantine rulers aimed to maintain their existing empire, while the Tenochca rulers sought not only to preserve but also to expand their domain. As a result, Constantinople’s strategy emphasized palace diplomacy, whereas Mexico-Tenochtitlan’s focused more on propaganda. Despite these differences, both approaches share several similarities. Both began with invitations, and their protocols included the same components: visual (architecture, wealth, and terror), ceremonial (including aural, olfactory, gustatory, ludic, haptic, somatic, and terror elements), and diplomatic (interviews and gift exchanges).

Las antiguas élites mayas jugaban a la pelota. Esta acción y las actividades asociadas se enfatizan para complementar las interpretaciones simbólicas de estudios anteriores. Basándose en la teoría de conjuntos, se discute cómo las interacciones recurrentes y causales institucionalizaron el juego de pelota. Los análisis multiescalares y multidimensionales permiten estudiar las relaciones parasociales, asimétricas y co-constitutivas entre los jugadores, el público y la cancha. En el este de las tierras bajas mayas, se encuentra el centro de Tzikin Tzakan, donde se documentaron dos canchas de juego de pelota. Debajo de la parte de las superficies originales de la cancha oeste, se encontraron varias capas de lascas de pedernal. Su presencia infiere la furia y el dolor que ocurría durante el juego de pelota. Los nobles jugaban sabiendo que sufrirían y hasta podrían fallecer. Se documentó un basurero que probablemente refleja las fiestas asociadas al juego y que apunta al rol del público en crear y gozar un espectáculo. Comparadas con 50 canchas cercanas, las canchas de juego de pelota de Tzikin Tzakan destacan por su orientación, su forma y sus dimensiones. Sus características regionalmente únicas y localmente compartidas ejemplifican el juego de pelota como una totalidad emergente.