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Palermo was an active participant in the global dynamics of early modernity, a role that shaped its remaking as the capital of the Habsburg viceroyalty of Sicily. Situating the sixteenth-century city within the broader landscape of Spanish colonialism, Elizabeth Kassler-Taub positions Palermo as a model for understanding how capitals at the edges of empire were made and imagined, inhabited and described. Architecture and Urbanism in Early Modern Palermo: Building an Elastic City introduces readers to monuments and sites absent from mainstream histories of early modern Italy and Spain, highlighting the experimental design models and building practices developed in response to, and defiance of, the city's entanglements across both the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Kassler-Taub conceptualizes Palermo's capacity for change and adaptation as an index of its 'elasticity.' She shows how the city's centuries-long colonial condition generated remarkable resilience: Palermo was able to withstand tension and to reshape itself without violating its basic form and identity.
This article argues that the eye-catching appearances of Diodorus Siculus’ home town of Agyrium in the Bibliothêkê Historikê—a town otherwise overlooked in the historical record—are not simply acts of self-promotion or aggrandizement. Rather, they were a response to contemporary actions taken by Roman elites against their provincial subjects during Diodorus’ lifetime, which stood in opposition to those behaviours of clemency and moderation that Diodorus portrays as necessary for a just and stable empire. The article analyses the three major appearances of Agyrium in the Bibliothêkê, demonstrating how Diodorus establishes his home town as bearing prosperous agriculture critical to Roman food security, as a ‘city of great renown’ on a par with Syracuse, Carthage and Corinth, and as a pious benefactor to its worthy neighbours. The article concludes that Diodorus’ glorification of Agyrium is an implicit critique of Roman rule during a period of provincial anxiety and civil unrest, in line with his intention that the Bibliothêkê serve as a work of moral utility, within a socio-political context where explicit critique of the Roman political elite was all too dangerous.
During the Archaic and Classical periods, the establishment of Greek colonies in the Mediterranean region resulted in new, hybrid cultures. Weaning and early life diets reflect childhood experiences and cultural transmission. Here, the stable nitrogen and carbon isotopic ratios (δ15N, δ13C) from bone collagen of fifty-eight subadults and twenty-seven adult females from the Greek colony of Himera in Sicily are used to estimate the age of weaning and the nature of complementary foods. Bayesian analysis shows that weaning typically began at 3–4 months and was completed by 3.5–4 years. While a weaning ‘curve’ is detected at Himera, there is much variation, suggesting adherence to some shared norms but also individualized decisions about the diets of infants and children. This study expands our knowledge of Greek childhood and sheds light on the treatment of children within a culturally complex colonial setting.
Posidonia oceanica seagrass meadows constitute an important ecosystem of the Mediterranean Sea, providing habitat for many species of invertebrates and fishes, some of which produce sounds with distinctive features. Using such sounds to monitor marine habitats is at the core of passive acoustic monitoring. In the Mediterranean, an arched frequency modulation centred around 747 Hz, which aurally sounds like /kwa/, has been investigated as an environmental proxy. Remarkably, these sounds were already noted as a distinctive feature of the soundscape recorded during an early acoustic experiment, USTICA 99 (Ustica, Sicily, Italy), which simultaneously measured photosynthetic gas exchanges and fish migration at the scale of a Posidonia meadow. In this study, we revisit that dataset to describe the specific characteristics of the early recorded /kwa/ sounds and compare them with more recent field studies conducted in French P. oceanica meadows, approximately 500 km north of Ustica and 15 years later. Our comparative analysis confirms a high degree of homogeneity in the /kwa/ sounds, with some variations that are further examined.
The new Italian state first encountered criminal entities in the mafia mould in circumstances characterised by bitter political struggle between the government, its democratic opposition and pro-Bourbon forces. The charge of being ‘mafiosi’ was therefore often used as a weapon. However, the mafia was not an invention of the Right. By examining the attempts to counter a phenomenon that seemed uncontrollable and impervious to the new order, and against which the state realised that it lacked the appropriate means to act, we can discern some of the constituent elements of the ‘industry of violence’, a phrase that Leopoldo Franchetti was to coin only a few years later. This article analyses the early manifestations of a criminal force during the uprisings in early nineteenth-century Sicily, in order to then examine its impact on the institutions of the unified Italian state up to the mid-1870s. Those now in power were discovering unfamiliar situations, with characters who were confident about using violence, and a worrying openness of civil society to its unrestrained use. The authorities responsible for the protection of life and property were ill prepared for confronting this alien associative phenomenon, and were constantly complaining about their isolation and the lack of co-operation from the local population; in the end, they resorted to reaching agreements with organised crime, further damaging trust in the institutions of the newly unified state.
This chapter illustrates and interprets the transformation of Segesta. More than any other Indigenous settlement in Sicily, this site was rapidly transformed in the span of about a century from a small community into a true polis, equal to its colonial Greek counterparts. The focus is on two of the three sacred areas of Segesta dating to Archaic and Classical periods, namely the sanctuary extra moenia of Contrada Mango and the sacred area of the North Acropolis, where a dialectic between Indigenous traditions and colonial innovation played out.
Between the eighth and sixth centuries BCE, the Indigenous Elymian settlement of Monte Polizzo underwent a period of notable socio-economic development in the wake of Greek and Phoenician colonization. Archaeological evidence from multiple excavated domestic structures, including a substantial assemblage of weaving implements, underscores the central role of weaving within the community. Textile production was deeply embedded in daily life, functioning not only as a key contributor to the economy but also as a conservative force in articulating and reinforcing local identity and local agency in response to an ever-changing world.
Shortly after the middle of the 13th century catastrophes occurred in Mycenaean centres; but the palaces were repaired, the fortifications reinforced, underground fountains built to ensure water supply. Yet by the end of the century – the beginning of the 12th – the whole Mediterranean was engulfed in a turmoil of raids, like those of the Sea Peoples, natural disasters, population movements and social unrest. The rich Near-Eastern cities and their network collapsed, the Hittite state dissolved, Cyprus and Troy were destroyed and Egypt entered a period of decline. In Greece the palaces were destroyed, the Mycenaean organization disappeared along with the writing, people fled to secure places. Internal factors and the dysfunction of the palace system are mainly the causes of the disasters. A short renaissance followed with small flourishing communities but new destructions brought complete disruption and final decay. The 1st millennium BC would herald the Iron Age based on new political circumstances and the use of the metal-iron-that changed peoples’ life. In many ways though the Mycenaean legacy was preserved.
This chapter offers a re-examination of P.Ital. 1 (445–6 CE), the well-known documentary dossier on the Sicilian properties of Lauricius, praepositus sacri cubiculi. More precisely, it aims to propose a new interpretation of a formula in the document 2013 ante barbarico fisco praestabatur – which, according to most scholars, starting with Theodor Mommsen, alludes to the existence of a fiscus barbaricus, a special treasury of the empire intended to collect taxes for the sustenance of non-Roman (i.e. barbarian) troops. The structure of the documents that make up the dossier, and the linguistic variations in the texts, suggest that the formula in question does not refer to a fiscus barbaricus, but rather to the fiscus, i.e. the imperial treasury, on the one hand, and to the barbaricum, i.e. the upheavals in Sicily due to the Vandal incursions in the Mediterranean, on the other.
The Kingdom of Sicily, which belonged to the Kingdom of Aragon, was a challenging environment for Spanish inquisitors. The island was by default a space through which people, goods, and ideas circulated. It also amounted to a frontier zone in the eastern Mediterranean. Inquisitors in Sicily attempted to monitor the ports while attending to the numerous populations of foreigners which resided there; they also focused on the Catholic orthodoxy and morality of the Christian residents. This chapter explores the ways in which the inquisition tribunal on the island continuously came into conflict with other courts, institutions, and powers of the kingdom. It argues that Sicily’s inquisitors were significantly affected by their local environment. While the history of the Sicilian Inquisition demonstrates its ability to adapt to particular social and institutional contexts, as well as political situations, it also reveals resistance to the confessional society that the Inquisition represented and promoted.
This article discusses the characterization of a shell as labyrinthine in Theodoridas, Anth. Pal. 6.224 (= 3524–9 Gow–Page, HE). It contextualizes the description in relation to a myth about Daedalus on Sicily, Theodoridas’ probable homeland. It then reappraises the implications of the phrase for the aesthetics of the epigram.
This essay deals with the influence of Adam Smith—at the end of the eighteenth century and during the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars—on the constitutional projects and public debates through which reformers of southern Europe tried to import and translate British society. I focus on the intellectual filters that affected the reception of Smithian thought, particularly the political and ideological aim to realize a Whig social order, that induced the Mediterranean elite to link the Wealth of Nations with the thought of Edmund Burke and Arthur Young. The result is a moderate and conservative profile of Smithian liberalism that was is in tune with the ideological trend of the nineteenth century.
In the Middle Ages, Islamic Iberia was home to one of the largest urban networks in Europe, while Sicily saw the exponential growth of cities like Palermo and Syracuse after the Arab conquest in the ninth century. Islamic cities in Iberia and Sicily were not only landmarks of an unprecedented and early economic expansion, they also bear witness to a number of institutional characteristics and forms of urban planning that need to be considered by new and more inclusive historical approaches. In the tenth century, Umayyad Córdoba was by far the most populated city in western Europe, while the Fāṭimid rulers of Sicily embarked on a conscious policy of urbanising the island. During the Naṣrid period (1238-1492), Granada was booming. In many Castilian cities, such as Burgos, Avila, Segovia and Valladolid, flourishing Muslim communities were established during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
During the Fascist period, the extractive industry played an important role in Italy’s economic and political landscape, and sulphur was considered the autarkic mineral par excellence. This article reveals how the rhetoric surrounding the vigorous extraction of sulphur in Sicily was part of a larger project of reconstruction and reorganisation, which involved the division of land, reclamation efforts, military operations and colonisation. Drawing on examples of visual and written narratives from public reports, essays, illustrated magazines and exhibitions of the time, the article demonstrates that extraction was both the actual site of resource extraction and the Fascist extractive logic of consensus. The use of specific discourses and definitions enabled and justified the portrayal of humans and lands as extractable resources, creating images and imaginaries that normalised exploitation and transformation, and the regime’s extractive force.
The Sicilians requested that Cicero prosecute C. Verres, who had governed the province corruptly from 73 to 71, for extortion. Cicero, who was simultaneously a candidate for aedile, agreed. Verres was represented by Hortensius, who was Rome’s leading advocate. Cicero’s right to prosecute was opposed by Q. Caecilius, who was put forward as a collusive prosecutor by Verres. Cicero defeated Caecilius in a preliminary trial (divinatio). He was also elected aedile, in spite of bribery deployed against him by Verres. At trial, Cicero confined himself to a brief opening speech summarizing the charges and then presented a long parade of witnesses. When the trial was adjourned in mid-August 70, it was already clear that Verres’ case was hopeless, and he went into exile. Cicero published the massive material he had gathered in a large corpus of seven speeches and was henceforth the acknowledged leader of the Roman bar.
Cicero and his brother, Quintus, went on a two-year study tour of Greece and Asia Minor, visiting major centers such as Athens and Delphi and seeking training from the leading teachers of rhetoric and philosophy. This enabled Cicero to rebuild his oratorical technique so that he could speak with less exertion. Upon his return, Cicero resumed his career at the bar and then stood for the office of quaestor. Duly elected, he was allotted a post in Sicily, where he served for a year. When he returned to Rome, he took his seat in the senate and continued pleading in the courts, mostly for unimportant clients, and publishing his speeches.
In this paper, we examine cases where radiocarbon (14C) dates are incompatible with dates produced by other established archaeological methods. We present results from nine bones that we sampled from tombs in Phoenician sites in Sicily. These bones produced radiocarbon dates conflicting with established dates of finds in the associated tombs. These discrepancies, particularly in tomb dates, pose a serious problem, as they suggest that the finds may be disconnected from the buried individuals, challenging the fundamental premise of studying excavated tombs. To put our findings in a broader context, we also present other cases of discrepancies found in recent publications and note some common observations throughout these studies. Our questions and observations arise from the significant implications that radiocarbon dating has for our research on Phoenician ancient DNA, as these conflicts impact our understanding of the potential migration and movement of Phoenician people throughout the Mediterranean.
Two alluaudite-group minerals, badalovite, ideally NaNaMg(MgFe3+)(AsO4)3, and calciojohillerite, NaCaMgMg2(AsO4)3, have been identified on a specimen from the Monte Calvario quarry, Biancavilla, Etna volcanic complex, Sicily, Italy. For both species, this finding represents the second world occurrence. The studied sample was characterised using electron microprobe analysis, micro-Raman spectroscopy, and single-crystal X-ray diffraction. Badalovite occurs as vitreous to resinous aggregates of yellowish to brownish prismatic crystals, up to 0.5 mm in length, associated with tabular crystals of hematite, pseudobrookite and an amphibole-supergroup mineral. Badalovite is intimately intergrown with minor calciojohillerite. The chemical formulae of these two alluaudite-group members, recalculated on the basis of 12 O atoms per formula unit and assuming the occurrence of Fe3+, are (Na1.74(11)K0.01(1)Ca0.30(8))Ʃ2.05(Mg1.74(2)Mn0.27(2)Ca0.11(8)Zn0.03(1)Fe0.84(14)Al0.02(2))Ʃ3.01(As2.85(4)P0.11(3))Ʃ2.96O12 and (Na1.44(2)K0.01(1)Ca0.66(1))Ʃ2.11(Mg2.27(1)Mn0.28(1)Zn0.01(1)Fe0.48(2))Ʃ3.00(As2.79(3)P0.13(2))Ʃ2.92O12, respectively. Single-crystal X-ray diffraction data collected on badalovite gave the following unit-cell parameters a = 11.9760(5), b = 12.7857(5), c = 6.6650(3) Å, β = 112.689(2)°, V = 941.58(7) Å3, space group C2/c. Its crystal structure was refined to R1 = 0.0257 for 1711 unique reflections with Fo > 4σ(Fo) and 97 least-square parameters. The crystal chemical and spectroscopic data as well as the genesis of badalovite are discussed and a comparison with the Russian type material is reported.
This chapter introduces readers to the main source for marriage ritual, namely the Byzantine priest’s service book known as the euchologion. A brief typology of Byzantine euchologia is given, and a discussion of the benefits and methodological limitations in the use of euchologia for the writing of cultural history.
Street signs in Italian, Hebrew and Arabic, installed in the twenty-first century, mark Palermo's former Jewish quarter, over half a millennium since Sicily last had a substantial Jewish population. They recall a medieval Jewish minority, but also symbolise what some consider to be Palermo's essentially pluralistic character. What motivates this inchoate revival of ‘Jewish space’, and what does it mean for contemporary Palermo? ‘Rebranding’ Palermo as a crossroads of civilisations encourages tourism, but this alone does not explain the re-evaluation of its multi-religious heritage. Palermo is an often-overlooked case study for the contemporary emergence of Jewish ‘sites of memory’. Using a micro-scale ethnographic study to analyse a narrative rooted in history, I show how the ‘rediscovery’ of Jewish history can have multiple catalysts. In Palermo, these include a Europe-wide interest in ‘things Jewish’, and Sicily's increasing religious diversity in the present.