Voter turnout is declining across Europe, raising concerns about democratic legitimacy and prompting a search for effective mobilization strategies. The new digital era has transformed the landscape for political communication, making it possible to mobilize voters through direct digital messages. These messages have proven to be a low-cost and easily scalable tool, capable of reaching millions of voters efficiently and with broad coverage. We synthesize existing evidence through a comprehensive meta-analysis of voter mobilization experiments from the past decade that apply digital messages as a Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) tool. The analysis assesses the overall effectiveness of digital messaging in increasing turnout, with particular attention to its potential for engaging marginalized groups and promoting participatory equality. Second, we present results from a new population-wide GOTV experiment conducted during the 2024 European Parliament election in Denmark – the first to apply digital messages to the entire electorate. The intervention increased turnout by 0.5 percentage points. By using year-of-birth bins to estimate effects across all age cohorts and disaggregating the immigrant category into Western and non-Western subpopulations, we can examine previously unexplored in-depth heterogeneous effects. We find that digital messages consistently have positive effects on turnout, including among marginalized voters.

Waqf (Islamic endowment) has great potential to improve community welfare, reduce inequality, and contribute to higher national economic growth. However, low public literacy remains a major challenge. Stronger efforts are needed to enhance literacy, intention, and participation in waqf. In this context, technology plays an important role in modern society by shaping various aspects of daily life and decision-making, while also accelerating digital inclusion, which can support the adoption of waqf. This research aims to analyze the impact of the Roblox-based educational game, Giving Legacy, on Indonesian high school students’ knowledge and intention toward waqf. The study uses the theory of planned behavior as its underlying framework. Field experiments were conducted, and before-after questionnaires were collected during the Waqf Goes to School program in eight schools from September 2024 to February 2026. A total of 671 questionnaires were collected, and 520 valid responses were retained for analysis. Data were analyzed using the Wilcoxon test and Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS SEM). A control group was included within this sample to further strengthen and validate the results. The study found that the game-based learning (GBL) intervention significantly improved students’ knowledge and intention toward waqf. The Wilcoxon test results confirmed a significant difference between pre- and post-test scores. Post-intervention PLS-SEM analysis showed that all variables, including attitude, were significant predictors of intention. These results highlight the potential of GBL to enhance both cognitive and attitudinal dimensions of waqf learning, supporting its use for engaging youth in Islamic philanthropy.

Political parties in advanced democracies face a dual challenge: fewer citizens are willing to volunteer, and those who remain active are disproportionately older and male. This is troubling given the central role that volunteers play in campaigns and party processes. Whether party leaders can recruit a larger and more diverse activist base remains an open question. We partnered with a major party in the Netherlands and conducted two field experiments before the 2021 general and 2022 municipal elections, targeting over 35,000 party members. The party randomized whether members received a personal call, an email or both. Results show that calls—where members could voice their opinions—increased volunteer sign-up rates (83% in Study 1 and 361% in Study 2), especially among younger members. By contrast, emails had no effect. These findings clarify mixed evidence in the literature, suggesting that voice opportunities are key to expanding and diversifying the activist base.

Several decades of experimentation have found that ‘Get-Out-the-Vote’ (GOTV) campaigns can effectively increase voter turnout. Yet, little has been said about the ability of similar-style campaigns to encourage participation in other types of civic engagement, such as citizens’ assemblies, which require much higher levels of commitment. Furthermore, although studies have found general support for citizens’ assemblies, willingness to participate is higher amongst those already more politically engaged and with higher levels of education, presenting a challenge to claims surrounding legitimacy and representation. In this article, we conduct a GOTV-style field experiment, complemented by a doorstep survey, to increase and understand perspectives towards registration for the 2023 Southampton Citizens’ Climate Assembly. We find that canvassing can be an effective method for increasing registration, including from under-represented groups. However, there are considerable barriers to participation, particularly the level of commitment, personal interest, and concerns about impact, which limit recruitment efforts.

Attitude change is not solely an individual process—it unfolds within social networks. While interventions to shift individuals’ political attitudes are widespread, from campaign persuasion to efforts reducing prejudice and partisan animosity, little is known about how such interventions depend on and interact with social structures. We report results from a field experiment in sixteen Ugandan villages that provides a rare, direct view of how attitude change occurs within social networks. We combine measures of village social networks with surveys of attitudes before and after a perspective-taking intervention seeking to warm attitudes toward nearby refugees. Targeted individuals did exhibit warmer attitudes toward refugees immediately after treatment on average. Two to three weeks later, however, substantial additional change had occurred throughout the villages—even among those never treated directly. We show evidence that these attitude shifts occurred within and because of social networks. Attitudes of network neighbors moved toward one another, even more than would be expected by common positive shifts. The new attitudes of targeted individuals spill over to influence the attitudes of network neighbors. Some people react to the intervention especially strongly right away; network distance to these people predicts longer-term attitude change, where attitudes of individuals closer to strong positive or negative reactors shift in the corresponding direction over time. These patterns do not predict immediate responses, only later ones after people have had time to interact with their network ties. Our findings demonstrate that political attitude change is ultimately shaped by real-world social networks.

The effectiveness of health recommendations and treatments depends on the extent to which individuals follow them. For each individual, medical adherence involves an inter-temporal trade-off between expected future health benefits and immediate effort costs. Therefore variation in time preferences may help us understand why and not least which people fail to follow health recommendations and treatments. We develop a novel, yet simple real-effort time-preference task implemented via text message among pregnant women in South Africa and show that behavior in the task predicts medical adherence. We find that planning to do the task with delay significantly lowers self-reported adherence to the recommendation of taking daily iron supplements during pregnancy. There is weaker indication that delaying the task longer than initially planned also negatively affects adherence. Together our results suggest that even simple measures of time preferences could help predict medication adherence and is a first step toward designing targeted policies to help improve medication adherence, healthcare outcomes, and welfare.

The use of AI by government agencies in guiding important decisions (for example, on policing, welfare, education) has triggered backlash and demands for greater public input in AI regulation. Yet it remains unclear what such input would reflect: general attitudes towards new technologies, personal experience with AI, or learning about its implications. We study this question experimentally by tracking the attitudes of over 1,500 workers whose task assignments were randomly determined by either a human or an AI ‘boss’, with task content and valence also randomized. Across a three-wave panel, we find that personal experience with AI-as-boss affected workers’ job performance but not their attitudes on using AI in public decision making. In contrast, exposure to information about the technology produced significant attitudinal change, even when it conflicted with participants’ prior disposition or direct experience. The results highlight the promise of incorporating public input into AI governance.

Individual legislators can be important agents of political representation. However, this is contingent upon their responsiveness to constituency requests. To study this topic, an increasing number of studies use field experiments in which the researcher sends a standardized email to legislators on behalf of a constituent. In this paper, we report the results of an original field experiment of this genre with the members of the German Bundestag. Supplementing previous research, we explore whether constituency requests in which voters mention a personal vote intention (rather than a partisan vote intention) increase legislators’ responsiveness, and how this treatment relates to electoral system's incentives. We find that legislators treated with a personal vote intention were more likely to respond (67 per cent) and respond faster than those treated with a partisan vote intention (59 per cent). However, we also show that the treatment effect is moderated by electoral system incentives: it is larger for nominally‐elected legislators than for those elected via a party list. Our results suggest that electoral system's incentives matter for legislators’ responsiveness only when constituents explicitly signals an intention to cast a personal vote.

Mass emails are frequently used by advocacy groups to mobilise supporters to lobby legislators. But how effective are they at inducing constituent‐to‐legislator lobbying when the stakes are high? We test the efficacy of a large‐scale email campaign conducted by the UK's main anti‐Brexit organisation. In 2019, the group prominently displayed a ‘Write to your MP’ tool on their website and assigned 119,362 supporters represented by legislators with incongruent views to one of four email messages encouraging them to write to their MP or a control condition (no email). Messages varied across two factors: whether the MP's incongruent position was highlighted, and if urgency was emphasised. We find that 3.4 per cent of treatment subjects contacted their representative, compared to 0.1 per cent of those in the control, representing an additional 3,344 emails sent to MPs. We show that there was no substitution away from the most frequently used online legislator contact platform in the United Kingdom. While, on average, position and urgency cues had no marginal effects above the standard email, the most engaged supporters were more mobilised when informed that their MP held incongruent views. This study shows that advocacy groups can use low‐cost communication techniques to mobilise supporters to lobby representatives when the stakes are high.

Voting advice applications (VAAs) have proliferated in recent years. However, most VAAs only match their users with parties, at least in part because creating a VAA matching voters to individual candidates tends to be more labour‐intensive. This could be an important missed opportunity. Candidates may deviate from the party line, but voters are often unaware of the policy platforms of individual candidates and therefore rarely hold them accountable for their issue positions in candidate‐based elections. VAAs providing information on issue congruence with individual candidates could help to rectify this. We evaluate the potential of candidate‐level VAAs by integrating a randomized experiment into a real‐world VAA whereby users were exposed either to candidate‐level VAA advice or to more standard party‐level VAA advice. Our results suggest that candidate‐level VAAs are worth the extra effort: they help voters distinguish candidates from parties and cast votes that are more in line with their policy preferences.

Members of ethnic and racial minorities across North America and Europe continue to face discrimination, for instance, when applying for jobs or seeking housing. Such unequal treatment can occur because societies categorize people into groups along social, cultural, or ethnic and racial lines that seemingly rationalize differential treatment. Research suggests that it may take generations for such differences to decline, if they change at all. Here, we show that a single gesture by international soccer players at the World Cup 2018 – followed by an extensive public debate – led to a measurable and lasting decline in discrimination. Immediately after the galvanizing event, invitation rates to view apartments increased by 6 percentage points for the migrant group represented by the players, while responses to the native population did not change noticeably. We demonstrate that anti‐immigrant behaviour can disband rapidly when the public receives messages challenging the nature of ethnic and racial categories while sharing a common cause.

A growing body of literature investigates whether legislators show biases in their constituency communication contingent upon constituent traits. However, we know little about whether and how findings of unequal responsiveness generalize across countries (beyond the United States) and across different traits. We address both issues using a pre‐registered comparative field experiment conducted in Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, in which fictitious citizens (varied by ethnicity, social class and partisan affiliation) inquired about legislators’ policy priorities regarding the COVID‐19 pandemic. Our pooled analysis reveals that co‐partisanship and class both increase the responsiveness of legislators while we find no effect for ethnicity. The effect sizes we find are small, but comparable to earlier studies and also noteworthy in view of our hard test design. Our exploratory analyses further corroborate the lack of discrimination against ethnic minority constituents in showing no intersectionality effects, that is, interactions between ethnic‐minority and low‐class identities. This exploratory step also addresses the country specific differences that we find. We speculate about plausible underlying party system effects that we, however, cannot substantiate due to statistical limitations. This important issue requires further attention in future research.

This article explores the causal effect of personal contact with ethnic minorities on majority members’ views on immigration, immigrants’ work ethics, and support for lower social assistance benefits to immigrants than to natives. Exogenous variation in personal contact is obtained by randomising soldiers into different rooms during the basic training period for conscripts in the Norwegian Army's North Brigade. Based on contact theory of majority–minority relations, the study spells out why the army can be regarded as an ideal contextual setting for exposure to reduce negative views on minorities. The study finds a substantive effect of contact on views on immigrants’ work ethics, but small and insignificant effects on support for welfare dualism, as well as on views on whether immigration makes Norway a better place in which to live.

The dictator game has become a celebrated workhorse of experimental economics and social psychology. In the standard version of the game an individual is given a sum of money and must choose how to split this money between themselves and some other individual. In a variant of the game the individual must split the money between themselves and a charitable cause. This charity version of the dictator game has now been used in well over fifty studies and has provided critical insight on the motives behind giving. It also provides a simple tool that policy makers and practitioners can use to test the effect of interventions. In this paper we explain the different ways in which charity dictator games can and have been used. We also look at the external validity of charity dictator games and discuss the research questions that can be appropriately studied using them.

Using data from an experiment carried out by a large nonprofit organization, this paper finds that lapsed donors who received a solicitation letter referencing a relatively high donation made by another donor (high social information) were more generous in giving, but overall less likely to make a donation, relative to the baseline (low social information) group. After using the propensity score matching to correct for pretreatment differences in the two experimental groups, the estimated effect of high social information on the average donation amount is an increase of $14.95 (45 %). However, high social information is also found to reduce the probability a lapsed donor will give by 4.1 %. Thus, high social information can have potentially offsetting effects when applied to lapsed donors. Nonprofits should consider this trade-off when employing social information fundraising techniques to solicit donations from lapsed donors.

In many countries, women participate in politics at lower rates than men. This gap is often most pronounced among young adults. Civic education programs that provide non-partisan political information are commonly used to try to close this gender gap. However, information alone rarely reduces the gap and sometimes exacerbates it. We extend the literature emphasizing the psychological resources women need to participate by evaluating whether embedding efficacy-promoting messages within civic education reduces gender disparities in participation. In collaboration with Zambian civic organizations, we implemented a field experiment before national elections that randomly assigned urban young adults to an information-only course or the same course with efficacy-promoting messages. We find that the efficacy-promoting course substantially increased young women’s political interest and participation, narrowing gender gaps across a wide range of behavioral and attitudinal outcomes. We discuss the study’s implications for theories of political participation and the design of civic education.

Scholarship on cross-border migration and welfare state politics has focused on native-born individuals’ attitudes. How does migration affect the redistribution preferences of migrants—key constituents in host and home countries? We argue that migration causes migrants to adopt more fiscally conservative attitudes, driven not only by economic gains but also by psychological shifts toward self-reliance and beliefs in the prospect of upward mobility. We present results from a randomized controlled trial that facilitated labor migration from India to the Middle East. The intervention prompted high rates of cross-border migration and significantly reduced support for taxation and redistribution among migrants. By contrast, left-behind family members did not become more fiscally conservative despite also experiencing economic gains. While the migrants became economically confident and self-reliant, their family members grew increasingly dependent on remittances. Our results demonstrate that globalization’s impacts on welfare-state preferences depend on the pathways by which it generates economic opportunity.

Are political activists driven by instrumental motives such as making a career in politics or mobilizing voters? We implement two natural field experiments in which party activists are randomly informed that canvassing is i) effective at mobilizing voters, or ii) effective for enhancing activists’ political careers. We find no effect of the treatments on activists’ intended and actual canvassing behaviour. The null finding holds despite a successful manipulation check and replication study, high statistical power, a natural field setting, and an unobtrusive measurement strategy. Using an expert survey, we show that the null finding shifted Bayesian posterior beliefs about the treatment’s effectiveness toward zero. The evidence thus casts doubt on two popular hypothesized instrumental drivers of political activism – voter persuasion and career concerns – and points toward expressive benefits as more plausible motives.

In this paper, we examine a major transparency initiative affecting tax abatements for state and local economic development in the United States that has been plagued by noncompliance. Unlike academic studies examining government compliance with transparency rules such as Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, we examine government and independent auditor responses to inquiries about information already posted, or not posted, in annual financial reports. Using a pre-registered experimental approach on cities, counties, and school districts in a single large-population state (Texas), we remind entities and their external auditors of their transparency obligations as well as our ability to check their compliance with this transparency rule and ask these entities follow-up questions about their required posts. Against expectations, we found that entities were not significantly more likely to comply with our request for information when we reminded them of their disclosure obligations and we found some evidence that nudges made entities less likely to comply. We argue these results provide novel insights into the limitations of transparency initiatives.