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In Central and Eastern Europe, disinformation threatens democratic stability, inflames ideological divides, and weakens Western geopolitical commitments. Drawing on cross-national analyses, as well as in-depth studies of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, this Element analyzes: the relationship between ideological polarization and disinformation supply; the challenges of building anti-disinformation efforts; individual-level demand for disinformation; and the effects of disinformation on public opinion. Ideological polarization over sociocultural issues predicts disinformation supply, and sociocultural conservatives with anti-Western views constitute a disinformation-susceptible audience that struggles to distinguish between false and true narratives. Elite-level divisions over the threat posed by disinformation exacerbate these dynamics, hampering efforts to build disinformation resilience. However, disinformation largely fails to persuade. Amongst most individuals, attitudinal backlash is more common. Disinformation does not win over hearts and minds; rather, its appeal reflects the salience of contentious issues that have emerged as a result of wider political realignments.
From Gorbachev through Yeltsin to Putin, Russia’s media landscape has undergone profound change since the late 1980s. The centralized Soviet system of propaganda collapsed, to be replaced by freewheeling broadcast media that were not fully independent of the oligarchs who owned or controlled them. Vladimir Putin brought these media under his control after assuming the presidency in 2000, but for some time, he was content to let information circulate in other arenas. That changed with his return to the presidency in 2012. Since the anti-government protests (2011–12), state control of the media has been consolidated and extended to online media. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 saw a marked escalation of state pressure on media outlets and foreign social media platforms, and pervasive control over the framing of the Russian Armed Forces and the war in the media and online.
As a history of ideas and casuistry of concepts, the article has modest goals: (1) I argue that anxiety is both ‘sensation’ and ‘emotion’. (2) I discuss this distinction, observing that, while useful intra-culturally, it can lead to confusion because both emotions and sensations are conditioned by historic and cultural factors (I compare Indian, Chinese, and Greek tables of affects). (3) I thereupon address the question of how societies define (and deal with) anxiety, starting from a discussion of a recent New York Times article, as well as of a recent study in political anxiety. (4) This provides a transition to the question of anxiety in unstructured crowds, including political movements. Using social psychology, I urge that the study of crowds needs to be brought into the 21st century (Stephen Reicher), given their capacity for self-organization. (5) A refined sense of crowd dynamics may diminish our reasons for fearing anxiety, in groups notably, just as channelling group anxiety through communication may contribute to positive social change.
How did the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) foster emotional engagement with its revolution? How did the advent of new media transform this engagement? Building on research that has noted the importance of emotions in the CCP’s revolution, this article explores these questions through a study of CCP radio and the person of the announcer. Using broadcast circulars and directives, memoirs, and diaries, it explores how broadcasters found an appropriate emotional tone for political texts, and how individual broadcasters functioned as nodes in the diffusion of emotions over an expanding network of radio stations. I make three arguments: first, that along with the well-documented normative forces of Party organization, announcers relied on reason and introspection to find their own emotional expression of a text and, with that, an emotional engagement with the revolution; second, that announcers were not anomalous in their reasoned engagement, but represent a consistent strain of community-building emotional practice within the ranks of the CCP; and third, that the advent of radio empowered the CCP to scale up its subject-oriented emotion work, developed at Yan’an but locally bound, to the regional and, eventually, the national scale. In this scaling up, extant CCP work-practice interacted with the promises and limits of the new media to create a distinct broadcasting culture that would shape the use of radio throughout the Mao era.
This chapter explores the ways in which the publishing, broadcasting and recording industries shaped the production and consumption of British and Irish symphonies since 1900. Featuring an example from each industry – Boosey & Hawkes, the BBC and Chandos Records – it reviews the influence of these institutions on the formation of a national canon of symphonic works. Attendant to the accelerating technological advancements that transformed listeners’ relationships to music over this period, the chapter highlights notable ensembles, conductors and composers who engaged with new media. It frames the reception histories of British and Irish symphonies within the context of national identity and the music appreciation movement. The chapter demonstrates how media institutions and networks used technology to curate and promote works by national composers, framing their symphonies as emblematic of culture and achievement.
The perceived success (or failure) of symphonies by British composers rested largely, in part, on how music critics, writers and the general public felt about the works and how they discussed the works publicly. The British musical press, firmly established by the beginning of the twentieth century, provided any number of outlets for critics, anonymous writers, performers, conductors and others to write about symphonic music as it was being premiered and performed. And it is this body of writing that this chapter primarily engages with, to provide insight into how both the public and the press perceived the then current state and future of British symphonic music.
Exploring the representation of human rights abuses in media and journalism is a vital area of study, given that the media help shape understandings of the world and its conflicts. That said, the scholarship into the intersection of journalism, media, and human rights, which we trace here, is diverse. We identify three major strands: first, researchers who explore how propaganda and journalism can and have exacerbated human rights abuses; second, those who analyse how the conventions of mainstream journalism may lead to the misrepresentation or omission of human rights issues; and third, studies that focus on professional and citizen journalists and non-governmental organization reporters who cover human rights topics, often at significant risk to themselves. Within the tertiary sector, few courses are offered in human rights and media or journalism as a combined field, although the topic may pop up periodically in journalism and human rights courses. Where research clusters committed to human rights journalism exist, passionate individual researchers or small groups of scholars and teachers are most often at the helm.
Despite extensive research, the concept of issue salience remains fragmented across public opinion, party competition, and media studies. This article addresses this gap by proposing a triadic framework that integrates citizens, parties, and media within a single model of interaction. Salience is defined as an attribute of issues – a measure of their relative importance within systems of collective attention – and explained as the outcome of reciprocal processes of supply, demand, and mediation. The framework bridges disciplinary approaches and clarifies how salience circulates through feedback loops connecting the three spheres. By reconceptualizing salience as a dynamic and relational mechanism, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of how democracies construct, contest, and sustain collective attention in hybrid information environments.
The Russian state’s approach to information has recently been subsumed under the concept of hybrid warfare – a term that recognises that information manipulation has become an important tool alongside traditional military resources in pursuit of national security. I argue that information warfare is more than just an additive tool for military planners. It is also constitutive of the field of understanding that gives states and citizens their sense of self, of threat, and of unity. I examine recent developments in Russian information warfare to illuminate how the securitisation of the field of information has constructed a new world of security threats. My analysis of Russian military doctrine, official government documents, Putin’s speeches, academic articles, and strategic pieces illustrates how Russian elites have cultivated a perception of threat from technological innovation and its potential use by the West to justify domestic controls and international confrontation. My larger point is that these developments are important for all of us as media and digital technologies are penetrating more areas of life. I contend that this may give rise to a radical realpolitik of the new media environment, which allows sovereignty to be the primary arbiter of truth in pursuit of epistemological security.
Rick Derderian is the host of the podcast Realms of Memory. Tasked with understanding ‘how countries address their darkest chapters’, the podcast has grown to be a space where academics, campaigners, and heritage practitioners discuss how their work engages with ideas of collective memory and trauma. In an interview touching on the various case studies and themes addressed in the podcast, Derderian provides his thoughts on how memory has become an increasingly central part of political debates and how new conceptual approaches to memory studies have shaped his own ideas about the role of the past in the present.
Discursive attacks towards the opposition are often a harbinger of polarisation, democratic backsliding and authoritarianism. We study the evolution of negative language about the opposition in Turkey under Erdoğan, a pioneering case of democratic backsliding. We distinguish between two types of negative language: a valid competitor – ‘rival’ – versus an enemy that needs to be destroyed – ‘villain’. We leverage machine learning to examine every opposition-related sentence in two major newspapers from 2009 to 2022. Our data allow us to compare the depictions of the main opposition party as a rival or villain between media outlets, before and after media ownership change, during election times and beyond. We also test how these depictions respond to currency shocks and military casualties, as the incumbents could try to contain the fallout from these adverse events by discursively attacking the opposition. We find that vilification of the opposition is driven by security challenges rather than economic troubles, which are associated with increases in rival discourse. Results also suggest that political competition can appear unrepresentatively civil precisely during election periods, as an already polarising incumbent may try to present himself in a more reconciliatory light during the campaign period.
This article looks at the understudied process of strategic narratives’ reception in authoritarian states at times of military crisis. Using the Russia–Ukraine war as a case study, the article conceptualises the reception of strategic narratives as identity work and as a reaction to the government’s attempt to weaponise Russians’ national identity and its important element, patriotism, to mobilise support for the war. Relying on interviews with Russians living in the country when the invasion started, triangulated with Public Sociology Laboratory (PSL) data, the article develops a model that shows three modes of reception shaping Russians’ engagement with and interpretation of patriotic narratives through the prism of identity – alignment, separation, and ambivalence – and two mechanisms of management of perceived identity threat – compartmentalisation and withdrawal. This model shows that Russians’ understanding and evaluation of the war goes beyond a simplistic typology of supporting/rejecting and is not conditioned by the type of media they consume. More broadly, the article shows that even in authoritarian states, reception is still conditioned by narratives’ resonance with audience identity and the emotional load they impose. Moreover, in a time of crisis, repetitive and highly emotional messages may cause a wear-out effect and decrease narratives’ effectiveness.
Up to at least the 1960s, English was seen as a world language integrated around two equipollent standards, British and American. Since then, in the wake of decolonisation, this bi-polar constellation has given way to models arguing for various pluricentric constellations. What tends to be overlooked, however, is the fact that the agents of standardisation and the sociocultural environment in which standardisation is taking place are markedly different today from what they were in the mid twentieth century. The power of educated elites to define linguistic standards has weakened considerably, while language technologies and software algorithms enforce homogenisation of usage in the written domain, promoting new norms that are not always in line with traditional notions of ‘good English’. In addition, the global spread of English has not only involved standard varieties, but also some non-standard ones. Removed from their vernacular home-bases, these non-standard forms have gained prestige and become available for new functions. This has produced the ‘standardisation paradox’ that Global English is facing in the early twenty-first century and that the present chapter will illustrate and analyse.
This Element reconsiders the historical, theoretical, racial, ableist, and editorial problem of genealogy by analyzing to-be-spoken genealogies in two plays in the 1623 Shakespeare First Folio: the 'Salic Law' speech in Henry V and the 'seven sons' scene in Henry VI, Part Two. Both passages also exist in a significantly variant version in The Chronicle history of Henry the fift (1600) and The First Part of the Contention (1594). The differences between the two versions of the biological/bloodline genealogy have been central to the long-dominant theory of 'bad quartos'. That theory assumes that early modern chroniclers and playwrights shared the values of modern archival historians: they assume that Shakespeare prioritized accuracy over acting. The authors offer an alternative reading of genealogies written to be performed onstage as 'documentary effects', adapted for changing audiences in a new multimedia entertainment industry. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
Chapter 5 explores the sharper edges of China’s image-making and illuminates the subtle, multifaceted silencing that permeates China’s diplomacy. The experiences of Ethiopian journalists, PR professionals, officials, and scholars point to the core feature of censorship as controlled information release. This includes proactive selective publicity and information withdrawals, as well as spontaneous and reactive silencing, at times carried out by non-state actors. Ethiopian elites reinforce the efforts of Chinese stakeholders and co-discipline China narratives out of their own strategic interest in upholding a positive relationship with China. At the same time, in private spaces, these same elites also articulate and spread negative stories about China through satire and rumors.
Chapter 6 brings in a transnational dimension to the study of China’s image-making in Ethiopia by examining the role of the West in conditioning this encounter. Drawing on interviews with core participants in Chinese initiatives, including Ethiopian elites and Chinese diplomatic professionals, the analysis reveals their shared aspirations for the West, and especially for the United States. Ethiopian participants tend to treat the West as a quality marker, and China as a secondary choice, and at times even as a pathway to experiencing the West. Ironically, Chinese soft power promoters also appear to uphold and aspire to Western hierarchies and use Ethiopia and Africa as a channel toward more desired professional destinations in the West. While Chinese official narratives invoke competition with the West, the actual participants in the Sino-African encounter still strive to be part of it.
William Burroughs in Context offers the most comprehensive and interdisciplinary examination of the iconic author to date and it captures the immense scope of Burroughs' radical vision and cultural influence. Moving far beyond the Beat Generation, this volume brings together 35 original essays that reframe Burroughs through his many identities: novelist, multimedia artist, queer visionary, drug theorist, and cultural provocateur. By organizing contributions around themes like space-time travel, technology, environmentalism, and creative collaboration, the book presents Burroughs as a uniquely situated figure at the crossroads of literature, science, philosophy, and pop culture. The contributors-drawn from leading voices in literary studies, media theory, cultural history, and the arts-offer readers fresh insights into both familiar and underexplored dimensions of Burroughs' oeuvre. An essential resource for scholars and fans alike, this landmark volume positions Burroughs as a central figure in understanding 20th-century counterculture and its ongoing 21st-century legacy
Data-centric socialities are media-centric socialities. One way to make sense of the novelty of digital media is to ask what scientists can do with them that they could not do before. This chapter does so for digital imaging in astronomy. It explores two arithmetic operations – adding and subtracting digital exposures pixel by pixel – and their surprising practical and organizational consequences. Setting out from a lecture on image processing to undergraduate students, it traces astronomers’ understandings of digital data’s affordances. It argues that the introduction of charge-coupled devices in the 1980s provided solutions to a set of practical problems that astronomers had formulated with increasing clarity since the 1950s. Subsequently, new organizational possibilities for astronomical research emerged. These include mobilizing data beyond local contexts, rendering abstract time as an object of management, sharing data as nonrivalrous goods, assessing others’ work remotely, and building new forms of collaboration – elements of a novel medial middle ground in data-rich science.
Scholars once divided British Romanticism into two generations (Wordsworth, Coleridge, Blake; Byron, Shelley, Keats), seeing the 1800s as a transitional period with little significant work. However, this view has changed with the rediscovery of women poets, working-class authors, and Black and Brown writers highlight Romanticism’s connection to global warfare, imperialism, slavery, and the expansion of communication technologies and print media. This chapter examines problems of communication in the works of William Wordsworth and Charlotte Smith, using their writing to reconsider Romantic temporality. It explores how both poets engage with time’s contradictions – its rapidity and slowness – driven by commercial and geological changes. By analyzing their differing approaches to temporal irregularity, the chapter argues that Romanticism reflects not only rapid changes (revolutions, industrialization, media) but also slower, more subtle transformations. This view of time, including geological slowness, offers Romantic poets a way to explore time and history, presenting Romanticism itself as a poetic expression of the tension between speed and slowness.
When the Brexit referendum result came in, Tony Gallagher, editor of the Daily Telegraph, triumphantly texted the Guardian newsroom: ‘Who said the mainstream media was finished?’ Gallagher was apeing Kelvin McKenzie, one of his predecessors as Sun editor, who proclaimed after John Major’s upset election victory in 1992: ‘It was the Sun wot won it!’ Brexit appeared to vindicate his view that the press, in particular the Sun, had tipped the balance in favour of Leave. The mood inside the FT newsroom was funereal. Over at The Sunday Times, Michael Sheridan, a veteran foreign correspondent, arrived early that morning to see Martin Ivens alone in the editor’s office. ‘What have you done?,’ he exclaimed, extending a congratulatory hand. Ivens held out the possibility of a renegotiation based on the Brexit vote followed by a second referendum.