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Caregiving is universal, but caregiving experiences, and views on how the government should support caregiving, are not. Caregiving is the subject of extensive press coverage, cultural exploration, policy analysis, and daily conversation. Yet less is known about how these experiences inform attitudes. This Element seeks to better understand attitudes toward caregiving policies and explain how varied caregiving experiences shape those attitudes. The analysis is primarily based on an original survey, the National Caregiving and Covid Survey (NCCS). Using YouGov, the authors surveyed representative samples of Asian, Black, Latinx, and white respondents in the spring of 2021. The findings illustrate that views of caregiving policy are linked both to whether one serves as a caregiver and to how one understands their caregiving role. In doing so, the Element presents a clearer picture of the political significance of caregiving in the United States.
Governments spend billions on our behalf. But how should this money be spent? The purpose should be to increase the wellbeing of the people. So the best policies are those which produce the most wellbeing per pound spent. The new science of wellbeing now enables us to make these calculations. The authors of this book, led by Richard Layard, do just that across a whole range of government policies. And the results call for radical changes in priorities. This path-breaking book opens up a new approach to policy-making. It combines traditional economics with the new psychology of happiness. By valuing non-monetary outcomes it does what politicians have always wanted. Its methods have already been adopted by the UK Treasury and are relevant worldwide. If followed, they would produce a happier world. When people ask where do we go 'beyond GDP', this is the answer.
Punitive policies such as migrant detention and benefits sanctions are growing in popularity. Politicians claim that the threat of harsher punishment deters undesired behavior, yet much evidence suggests that this is incorrect. Why, then, is it popular with voters? Building on literature from crime and punishment, I use vignette experiments in the UK to test whether this is because they believe that punishment acts as a deterrent, or because they view it as retribution for immoral behavior. Respondents rated the likelihood of desired behavior from hypothetical migrants and benefits claimants, and from themselves, in response to punishments of varying severity. They believed that some punishment had a deterrent effect but harsher penalties had little further payoff. Punishment was supported because migrants and benefits claimants fail to live up to people’s behavioral standards, particularly amongst authoritarians. Thus punitive measures enact retribution against outgroups, reinforcing moral boundaries and a rule-bound, orderly society.
Religion and politics ought not mix, we are often told. But they have always done so, and sometimes with great success, notably in the development of welfare states in the early 20th century, when Christian churches and theologians were constructively, if sometimes critically, in supportive of such initiatives. Today, however, economic and demographic pressures have conspired to place the state under immense pressure, with calls to 'rethink' the welfare state becoming more common. Rethinking, however, demands that we ask some big questions: What is welfare for? What kind of good are we trying to achieve? What kind of being is it whose good we are trying to serve? In this study, Nick Spencer steers the welfare debate away from technocratic concerns. Drawing on the work of four major, twentieth-century theologians, he offers a fresh, concrete, and realistic vision for the vision of welfare at a time when it is badly needed.
Chapter 3 presents an overview of the doctrinal interpretation of the TRIPS’ foundations. It discusses in detail the functions and content of Articles 7 and 8 of TRIPS. These two articles are treated as the normative core of the TRIPS. Article 7 defines conditionalities which intellectual property rights should fulfil. Concepts such as ‘social and economic welfare’ and ‘mutual advantage of producers and users of technological knowledge’ are considered the societal parameters of the justification matrix of intellectual property rights. The analysis of Article 8 of TRIPS underlines the importance of national autonomy, which is key to implementing TRIPS obligations in a way that respects and guarantees the capacity of States to protect their population.
This study addressed the hypothesis that 24-h patterns of behavioural variables of dairy cows for specific periods within a day (i.e., reflecting the 24-h behavioural pattern) are sensitive to increasing daily mean temperature–humidity index (THI) and may provide complementary information to daily mean behavioural variables based on full days. Meteorological data and behavioural sensor data, including lying duration, number of steps and number of postural changes, were retrieved from eight dairy farms. Eighteen behavioural variables were extracted using time windows informed by exploratory analysis across three THI categories. Several 24-h pattern variables reflecting behavioural changes for specific periods in a day had a consistent direction of correlation with the daily mean THI across farms on days with and/or without pasture access. For the daily mean variables, only the daily mean lying duration had a consistent direction of correlation with daily mean THI across farms on days without pasture access, and no daily mean variables had a consistent direction of correlation with daily mean THI across farms on days with pasture access. Generalized additive mixed models indicated that relationships between behavioural variables and daily mean THI were nonlinear. For most behavioural variables, the daily mean THI ranges in which the behavioural variables changed differed between days with and without pasture access. Some of the 24-h pattern behavioural variables exhibited a wider daily mean THI range with significant behavioural change than the daily mean variables. In conclusion, some of the variables derived from the 24-h behavioural pattern were highly sensitive to daily mean THI and could complement daily mean variables in the detection of heat stress. Dairy cows had more behavioural changes in response to increasing THI on days with pasture access than on days without pasture access.
This article examines the development and transformation of school colonies within the Italian child welfare system between the First World War and the immediate postwar period. Originally conceived as prophylactic institutions aimed at strengthening the bodies of frail and undernourished children, these colonies gradually assumed broader functions, becoming spaces shaped by new political and social imperatives. The article focuses on the impact of wartime mobilisation, the reconfiguration of welfare networks involving public authorities, voluntary organisations, and humanitarian agencies, as well as the growing role of doctors and teachers in structuring the daily life of these institutions. In particular, the text analyses how health prevention practices became intertwined with moral education and forms of political mobilisation. The result is a complex picture that highlights the emergence of a hybrid model which anticipated the subsequent welfare and educational policies of Fascist totalitarian pedagogy.
This article empirically tests whether social investment strategies foster citizen capacitation, in ways that improve well-being and generate micro-level policy feedback, reflected in trust and satisfaction with welfare caseworkers. Between 2018 and 2022, 816 social assistance recipients participated in a Dutch, controlled longitudinal experiment. Participants were randomly assigned to: (1) social investment with proactive caseworker support; (2) self-direction with autonomy to decide if, when, and how to engage with caseworkers; or (3) workfare (control group) with standard municipal protocols. Key findings show positive, significant effects on caseworker satisfaction under social investment, alongside marginal significant effects on trust. We find no substantial effects on well-being. A significant negative effect in the self-direction group during the final wave only appeared after controlling for covariates. While recipients value a more supportive relationship with their caseworker, which partially translates into increased trust, it remains insufficient to counteract the weight of structural barriers for well-being.
Many claim that there is an important relationship between consciousness and welfare. Call this general view phenomenalism. One way of fleshing out phenomenalism is to hold that consciousness is what makes one the type of entity that can be noninstrumentally better or worse off in the first place. Consciousness is at least a necessary condition on welfare subjecthood. A different account holds that even if consciousness is not necessary for welfare subjecthood, conscious welfare subjects have a greater welfare capacity. We argue that the most likely source of support for either version of phenomenalism – hedonism about welfare goods and bads – provides no support at all. Along the way, we discuss an alternative view of welfare subjectivity and welfare capacity that does not appeal to consciousness but only to mentality, a view we call mentalism.
Why do poor caregivers resist rights-based framings of their situation even when directly exposed to institutionalized rights discourses? Drawing on 44 in-depth interviews with caregivers, care recipients, and officials from Chile Cuida, a state assistance program grounded in the right-to-care framework, this article examines the rights consciousness of long-term, intensive caregivers in Santiago, Chile. We find that, despite significant political exposure to rights discourses, caregivers consistently frame their experiences in terms of familial duty rather than entitlement. Building on rights-consciousness literature, we identify three mechanisms that explain this pattern: cultural incompatibility, whereby caregivers resist framings that appear to contradict familial obligations; familial overspilling, whereby family-based relational expectations are projected onto bureaucratic actors; and bridging strategies, whereby caregivers invoke alternative cultural sources of entitlement – particularly notions of state duty toward the poor – to justify receiving assistance without challenging familial dominance. We argue that discursive exposure to rights frameworks is insufficient when it confronts deeply settled familial cultural repertoires, with significant implications for care policy in the region.
Chapters 2 and 3 form the ethnographic heart of the book, exploring the economic niches that form an informal welfare system largely reserved for disabled people. Chapter 2 considers brokering at the Kinshasa-Brazzaville border, an activity viewed by some as ‘given’ by the state as a form of compensation for the lack of social welfare. Examining in detail the dynamics of community and the activities performed at the border, the chapter shows how the social values underpinning personal relationships were tested in the moral dilemmas over a common rhetoric of individualism: ‘fending-for-yourself’ rather than caring for mutually dependent relationships. A moral emphasis on the value and nature of professional relationships was shaped by the knowledge that life and work at the border might only ever be a temporary arrangement, as the most dramatic incarnations of ’crisis’ (mpiaka) drew attention to the temporal frame in which these value debates took place.
Chapter 4 examines local concepts of right(s), dissecting the ways in which brokering and begging were viewed as charitable compensations for the lack of government protection for disabled people, but claimed by the recipients as forms of work. Aspiring to have their activities recognised as rights, they spoke a local language of entitlement that conflated the value of independent work with the ethical and political right to care, asserting obligatory rights or taxes, against the donors’ perception of gifts. The language of ‘rights’ is a space of mutual evaluation, a rich and powerful language for discussing issues of inequality, membership, personhood, welfare, and power in Kinshasa today. It is perhaps most significant as a claim for distribution than as a legal premise of entitlements. Here, the question of a rightful share becomes pertinent, as givers and receivers evoked differing views on the same transaction that expressed contradictory aspirations and values. In the absence of formal institutions to enforce informal disability privileges, people had to recognise the right to be beggars or brokers on an interpersonal level, requiring constant value tests on whether claims to assistance were legitimate. The chapter thus disrupts the classic Maussian focus on giving and production to consider the moral and political controversies associated with asking and distribution.
It is widely held that theories of well-being must satisfy the criterion of descriptive adequacy. According to the criterion, an adequate theory of well-being must optimally fit our everyday experiences and judgments relating to well-being. This article argues that there is no such criterion that constrains theories of well-being. First, it examines in detail the reasons for which the criterion was originally introduced. Second, it argues against the criterion, on the grounds that well-being is essentially normative and normative theories more generally are not subject to any such constraint. Third, it considers two objections relating to reflective equilibrium and thick normative concepts. Finally, it explores the implications of rejecting the criterion for evaluating theories of well-being and for integrating the philosophy and science of well-being. A positive lesson of the article is that taking the normativity of well-being seriously from a meta-ethical perspective has implications for first-order theorizing about well-being.
First dramatically, then with ever-growing complexity, World War I began a long-running, openly contentious reordering of gender relations, gender understandings, and public gender regimes. Mobilization for total war articulated men’s citizenship to soldiering; women’s to motherhood. Harnessed to family in multifarious ways, each profoundly altered and strengthened belonging in the nation. Those processes of regendering shaped interwar public policy across multiple spheres: welfare provision and social services; broader social policy and public health; regulation of sexuality and reproductive rights; education and public morality. While presenting across Europe as common exigencies and desiderata, in democratic polities no less than in fascist regimes or the Soviet Union, this welfarist political complex varied markedly with different types of polity. The “front experience” became processed by many younger veterans and aspiring soldiers into a militarized outlook of aggressively misogynist, heedlessly violent, and empathy-purged masculinity.
In this chapter I respond to two claims about unborn human beings: first that they have no rights because they have no interests; second that they have no rights because they are not persons.
This study investigated the annual culling rate and its main causes on dairy farms in the central region of Santa Fe, Argentina. A cross-sectional study was conducted between February and April 2025 on 77 farms located in the central dairy region of Santa Fe province, Argentina (Castellanos and Las Colonias departments). On each farm, an in-person survey was conducted with the farm manager. Information was collected regarding the farm demographics, the number of culls and mortalities and the causes of culling. The average annual total culling rate for pasture-based systems was 22.3% (range: 10–34%), while for confined systems it was 31% (range: 22–54%). The proportion of cows culled in pasture-based systems was 15.6% (range: 2–30%) compared to 23.6% (range: 14–43%) in confined systems. The annual mortality rate in pasture-based systems was 6.7% (range: 2–20%), while in confined systems it was 7.4% (range: 4–17%). The main causes of culling were reproductive problems, udder health issues, hoof diseases, infectious diseases and low milk production. The main causes of mortality on the farms were traumatic injuries, infectious diseases, mastitis and metabolic disorders, among others. Average cow longevity in pasture-based systems was 4.3 (range: 2–9) lactations compared to 2.9 (range: 1.4–4) lactations in confined systems. Productivity, animal welfare and dairy herd longevity are shaped primarily by management practices rather than by production system type alone, and both pasture-based and confined systems can be optimized to achieve sustainable outcomes.
This Element investigates whether artificial intelligence (AI) systems could ever be welfare subjects. Some people argue that AIs could plausibly have or soon have features such as consciousness, agency and the capacity for social relationships, which could provide a basis for AI welfare. These arguments have massive significance for the societal conversation on AI, raising profound ethical and political questions about what if anything we owe to these new technologies. The authors here provide the philosophical groundwork for a scientific, philosophical and ultimately democratic inquiry into the potential for AI welfare, addressing key questions that cut across different arguments: what welfare is, how to interpret behavioural evidence of AI welfare, what kinds of entities might qualify as candidate AI welfare subjects, the potential grounds for welfare in AI and the practical ethical challenges that arise from our uncertainty. This title is also available as open access on Cambridge Core.
The fifth chapter turns to war and peace. The role of England’s poor relief system in assisting war efforts has been suggested by scholars. This chapter argues that were it not for the development of settlement laws, one can only wonder whether the ‘fiscal-military state’ would have enjoyed such support. The chapter shows how the responsibilities of the parish officer expanded to assist the fiscal-military state, and the roles taken by the county administration. It also explains how the New Militia, established at the start of the Seven Years’ War, relied on the parish’s administrative apparatus and employed the settlement legislation in sophisticated ways. However, as time went by complexities arose. The greater the needs of recruitment and disbandment, the more the eighteenth-century state relied on the mechanisms of parish settlement; at the same time, military needs also led to partial suspension of the settlement laws.
Chapter 4 focuses on the impact of the settlement laws on local community life. A rare personal diary by a Sussex village shopkeeper (1754–1765) records his activity as a parish officer and helps to paint a detailed canvas, and to connect the history of parish administration with studies of gender and the social order. This chapter also returns to the legal framework to explore further the responsibilities of the overseer of the poor and the parish vestry.
In Chapter 3, notions of kinship and family come to the fore. Once belonging had been articulated by the settlement laws, and moreover was seen to have been invested not only in individuals but in families, the question soon arose: who counted as ‘family’ for the purposes of the law? For example, when and under what circumstances would the status of ‘child’ expire? What would be the effects of marriage and remarriage? A study of legal sources helps distil the changing regulations – another unintended consequence of the settlement laws which affected millions, and echoes today. A case study concerning one woman illustrates the effects of the settlement laws on kinship and community relations. Local and regional samples suggest how the law was implemented in near and distant localities.