In 2018, international students in Manitoba were stunned to learn that once again they no longer had access to public healthcare. Through the lens of noncitizenship assemblage, this shift is reflective of the conditional access to entitlements experienced by precarious status migrants and the frames of deservingness structuring their presence in host countries. Critical Frame Analysis was used to examine Manitoba Hansard and media from 2007–2023 to understand how healthcare for international students in Manitoba was framed. Findings indicate three frames: one in which healthcare is framed as a human right, and the others in which healthcare is positioned as a market incentive or a gesture of inclusion, both meant to attract and retain students. Although we find there is advantage to adopting a frame that connects healthcare to economic contribution for actors seeking to expand access, it nevertheless ties access to government priorities, maintaining conditionality rather than securing rights.

Canada and the United States both have populations in which racial and ethnic minorities, substate national societies, native peoples and majority groups coexist. In this article, I contrast the United States and Canada, focusing on their contrasting political cultures, models of federation, legal nation-building mechanisms and so forth, in order to evaluate these states’ potential for accommodating minority nations. First, I analyze how Canada’s multicultural and multinational political culture has encouraged the recognition of substate national societies through a decentralized model of federalism. By contrast, in the United States, the multiple traditions that have influenced U.S. political culture have encouraged the development of a territorial conception of federalism, which is less hospitable to the claims for recognition of stateless nations in the United States. Second, I show that both the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the U.S. Bill of Rights had a homogenizing, pan-national and majority nation-building effect. Third, I show that antidiscrimination constitutional provisions and federal statutes in the United States and Canada are ill-suited to address their stateless nations’ claims. In the United States, with its territorial conception of federalism, substate national societies are in an especially unfavorable position to have their claims for recognition addressed. In Canada, on the other hand, the Canadian model of federation may provide avenues for addressing the constitutional aspirations of substate demoi, even if at times there are tensions with individual-rights approaches.

Effective conservation of rare species requires approaches that extend beyond protected areas and integrate the perspectives of diverse landowners. We synthesized results from rare plant assessments with landowner perceptions and conservation values in landscapes with a mix of ownership and management types to produce an integrated framework for maximizing stewardship effectiveness. We combined field surveys of rare plant species across five landownership types (private, provincial, federal, non-profit and leaseholder) with semi-structured interviews of representatives of these groups in the Redberry Lake Biosphere Region of Canada to identify conservation values, landowner attitudes, perceived challenges, preferred incentives and legislative awareness across ownership types. Derived from the results, our framework drew attention to ecological priority and social feasibility as key elements of integrated conservation management. The framework provided operational definitions for each element and highlighted that even regional conservation strategies must account for variation in landownership and values. This framework therefore serves as a cohesive approach to applying both ecological and social evidence to inform decision-making for biodiversity conservation in mosaic landscapes. Our experience suggests that bringing together evidence from the natural and social sciences offers novel insights, and the framework we propose may be transferable across a range of conservation contexts.

It appears that in Quebec, liberal values are associated with support for restricting minority religious symbols, while in Canada outside of Quebec, the opposite is true (Turgeon et al., 2019). Turgeon et al. (2019) explain this in terms of Quebec’s distinct strain of liberalism. However, there is an alternative explanation: that different social groups—i.e., political parties—mobilize liberal values in different ways in Quebec as compared to the rest of Canada, and that social group members—i.e., party identifiers—adopt their group’s, or party’s, cues. We repeat Turgeon’s (2019) original study with new data but also include a measure of partisan identity to clarify whether liberal values or partisan attachments explain differences between preferences for restricting minority symbols in Quebec and the rest of Canada. We find that identification with a Quebec nationalist party explains the relationship between liberal values and support for restricting minority symbols in Quebec in our dataset.

The sea pen Umbellula huxleyi Kölliker, 1880 was originally described based on specimens from Japan, as a result of the Challenger Expedition. In the years that followed, the species has also been reported from the Northeast Atlantic (Porcupine Seabight, NW Ireland). Through integrative taxonomy, including morphological examination, in situ imagery, and DNA sequences (mtMutS, COI, and 28S), we show that the species is also found in the Northwest Atlantic, specifically in Davis Strait, Canada, and Iceland. The species was found at a depth of 574 m during a remotely operated vehicle dive in Davis Strait and between 1267 and 1304 m in Iceland, falling within the known bathymetric range of the species, although the 574 m record is shallower than most records. We also compared our specimens to a lectotype from the UK’s Natural History Museum collection. U. huxleyi has a round axis and lacks sclerites in the rachis. There is only one other known species of Umbellula with these characteristics (Umbellula spicata Kükenthal, 1902), and we discuss their differences. We also provide the first in situ recording of bioluminescence in U. huxleyi.

Categorizing people into groups is a fundamentally human trait, but we know very little about how people assign political identities to strangers. Across two innovative survey experiments, we consider how people politically categorize others according to a single source of information: faces. We find that displays of emotions, particularly negative emotions, predict the political sorting of strangers. Faces featuring negative emotions are categorized as out-partisans, whereas faces exhibiting happiness are categorized as co-partisans.

During the early Cold War, Canada’s Northern Co-ordination and Research Centre (NCRC) employed anthropologists and other ethnographers to make Inuit legible to northern administrators. The government sought information that would demonstrate how well Inuit were adapting to life in the newly established and permanent government-administered settlements. Research in Iqaluit, then known as Frobisher Bay, was assigned to Toshio Yatsushiro, a Japanese-American anthropologist who had previously participated in anthropological studies of interned Japanese and Japanese-Americans. Yatsushiro spent two summers (1958 and 1959) in Iqaluit with the goal of documenting the extent to which Inuit were adopting the cultural norms, values, and lifestyles of Euro-Canadians. Although Yatsushiro never completed his intended project, his published and unpublished writings identify specific ways in which Canada’s post-war administration of Inuit communities and its efforts to acculturate Inuit to southern Canadian ways of living were failing Inuit. Archival documents, interviews with NCRC anthropologists, and Yatsushiro’s published and unpublished writings reveal his disillusionment with the authoritarian practices of government officials in the North. His ethnographic observations and recommendations, coloured by his own experiences of internment, were dismissed by government officials as inaccurate and irrelevant.

This article analyzes the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ 2025 advisory opinion on the climate emergency from the perspective of its implications for Canada. The authors identify key legal developments: “climate emergency” as a decisive interpretive element; the peremptory (jus cogens) obligation not to generate irreversible harm to the common planetary ecosystem; a new right to a healthy climate; and states’ “enhanced” due diligence obligation. They then discuss the implications of the advisory opinion for Canada, describing the binding nature of its content and identifying its applicability to Mathur v Ontario, La Rose, and Lho’imggin v Canada and the recognition of Mutehekau Shipu/Magpie River’s legal personality.

We possess a limited understanding of Indigenous electoral behavior, partisanship, and political attitudes. Previous research has mainly focused on explaining Indigenous electoral abstention and has faced constraints, mainly because of small sample sizes. Drawing on data from both the 2019 and 2021 Canadian Election Studies, which encompass an unprecedented number of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis respondents, we explore Indigenous electoral behavior, partisanship, and attitudes toward public spending at the federal level in Canada. We show that while Indigenous respondents remain more likely to consider abstention, they can also be more supportive of third parties than their non-Indigenous counterparts and adopt views spanning the traditional left–right ideological spectrum. These findings encourage a redefinition of the expectations regarding the political behaviors and attitudes of Indigenous Peoples in order to fully engage with diverse political cultures.

This research note assessed the relationship between health status and union dissolution in middle and later life in the Canadian context. Data were drawn from four waves (2014–2020) of the Canadian Longitudinal and International Study of Adults aged 45 and older. Logistic regression analyses examined the effects of stability and changes in self-rated health (SRH) and psychological distress on subsequent marital and cohabiting union dissolution. Unlike those whose SRH declined over time, those who experienced continuing fair/poor SRH had a greater likelihood of subsequent union dissolution compared to those experiencing continuing good/very good/excellent or improved SRH. In contrast, those reporting increased psychological distress were more likely to experience union dissolution later on. Policies and interventions that limit poor physical and mental health of individuals as they age may also serve to reduce the occurrence of union dissolution and its implications.

As an increasing number of psychiatrists complete training in the UK and move into post-qualification specialist practice in Canada, challenges can arise with adaptation and professional recognition. In this reflection, we examine our experiences over the past 5 years working in and delivering undergraduate and postgraduate medical education in Canada. Patients recognise the unique value of UK psychiatry training; however, this training can also present challenges. We explore some of these issues across the domains of undergraduate medical education, postgraduate psychiatry education and post-qualification specialist practice, using a comparative narrative.