The COVID-19 pandemic triggered an unprecedented labour-market shock, resulting in substantial reductions in working hours. This study examines gender disparities in working hours during the pandemic, with particular emphasis on the roles of childcare responsibilities and employment contract type. Results from system generalised method of moments (GMMs) and complementary panel-data models applied to longitudinal datasets from Australia and the US reveal a modest narrowing of the gender gap. Before the pandemic, women worked on average 1.64 fewer hours per week than men in Australia and 1.04 fewer hours in the US. However, reductions in working hours during the pandemic were smaller for women than for men, by approximately 0.60 hours in Australia and 0.56 hours in the US, indicating partial convergence in working hours and providing limited support for the widely discussed ‘shecession’ narrative. Childless women largely maintained their working hours during the pandemic, whereas mothers experienced noticeable reductions (about 0.32 hours in Australia and an hour in the US). In contrast, part-time employment appears to have buffered working-hour disruptions. Part-time women experienced modest increases in working hours (0.34 hours in Australia and 2.22 hours in the US) relative to their pre-pandemic levels, while full-time workers experienced more noticeable reductions. These findings highlight the complex interplay of gender, contract type, and childcare in shaping working hours during crises. By showing that part-time arrangements can cushion working-hour disruptions for women while childcare responsibilities continue to constrain mothers, the study provides new cross-national evidence on gendered working-hour dynamics in the post-pandemic era.

Childcare has held a place in national and international policy conversations in recent decades as governments seek to expand economic opportunities for women. Germany has passed several policies towards this end since reunification, including a legal right, or guarantee, for all children to have access to subsidised care. Scholars across disciplines have taken note of the regional patterns that persist in citizens’ uptake of subsidised childcare programmes. This article analyses the patterns through an institutional economics lens, applying Boettke, Coyne, and Leeson’s (2008) institutional stickiness framework to policy changes that have exhibited varying levels of success in former East and West Germany. Subsidiarity acts as a channel for institutional stickiness, allowing local values to shape both the supply of and the demand for public childcare.

This article assesses whether recent Irish activation reforms for lone parents’ function as capacitating elements of a social investment (SI) strategy. Although activation is presented as evidence of Ireland’s shift towards SI, our analysis questions this claim using the concept of agentic capacity – the structured conditions enabling individuals to balance care, employment, and education. Drawing on two small-scale studies, we centre lived experiences of activation requirements and income supports and find that while access to education and training can strengthen autonomy and future planning, these benefits are constrained by conditionality, administrative burdens, childcare shortages, and age-based thresholds. The reforms thus represent a model in which coercive activation logics persist within SI rhetoric. By advancing agentic capacity as an evaluative criterion, the article contributes to debates on activation and SI, highlighting how institutional design, childcare provision, temporal alignment, and conditionality shape meaningful choice for lone parents.

This article compares results from a study of service quality in cooperative and municipal preschools. The parent cooperative and municipal childcare represents two different schools of thought with regard to service quality. The municipal services have a strong tradition of professionalism in which user participation is not allowed to interfere with the qualified work performed by trained professionals. The parent cooperatives have another tradition in which service quality is developed in a dialogue between users and staff while they co-produce the services together. The former tradition is the dominant one in the Swedish welfare state while the latter is an exception. The conclusion of the article is that service quality is better in the parent cooperative childcare in spite of the widespread assumption in Sweden that service quality is close to synonymous with professionalism.

Following a 2018 FEC ruling, US congressional candidates are increasingly using campaign funds for childcare expenses incurred while campaigning. This policy has the potential to increase descriptive representation, but the policy’s viability is dependent on how voters react to candidates using campaign funds for childcare. Using a national survey experiment, we find that the framing around the use of this policy influences public opinion in meaningful ways. For Democratic respondents, positive framing treatments increase support for a hypothetical woman candidate, and candidate attack frames do not decrease candidate support. For Republican respondents, positive framing treatments do not increase candidate support, while candidate attack frames decrease candidate support. Regarding support for the policy of permitting the use of campaign funds for childcare, results were universally positive. Both positive and negative frames increased support for the policy. This research contributes to multiple literatures by evaluating the public opinion effects of candidates using campaign funds for childcare.

Studies focusing on how the migrant population understands and utilises family policies are scarce in Southern European countries. We focus on the use of paternity leave by American and European migrant fathers in Spain. This work is based on an online survey of parents (QUIDAN, 2021), which is nationally representative with a sample of 3100 respondents. We have conducted descriptive statistics and explanatory multivariate models. The main result shows that American-born (but not European) fathers take paid paternity leave less often than Spanish fathers. This outcome raises new questions about migrant parental roles and the shortcomings of public policies.

Since the early 1950s, national statisticians have regarded unpaid work as non-economic, excluding it from GDP. Feminist scholars argue this exclusion reflects a gender-biased view of progress that renders women’s non-market productivity invisible. As what gets measured drives policy priorities and resource allocation, breastfeeding highlights the need to account for women’s unpaid care work in economic statistics. This paper advances the Beyond GDP agenda by demonstrating how market-derived prices can improve the measurement and recognition of women’s lactation labour. We first trace the historical displacement of breastfeeding by commercial formula and identify key economic drivers. Next, we review critiques of GDP and debates over including non-market household services in the UN’s System of National Accounts. We then present novel estimates of breast milk’s economic value in selected countries. Our analysis shows that existing market prices can robustly proxy for breastfeeding work, correcting GDP’s gender bias and realigning policy priorities. Including human milk production in core economic indicators not only reflects its true contribution but also promotes women’s and children’s rights and supports sustainable development through comprehensive true-cost accounting.

France has one of the most unequal levels of access to childcare in Europe, despite high public investment. Existing literature explains this inequality through factors such as the availability of childcare slots, social stratification, stigmatisation, attitudes, cultural biases, and parental logistical constraints. However, the role of administrative barriers in exacerbating access problems remains understudied. We provide fresh insight by examining these barriers in France’s poorest county. Seine-Saint-Denis offers a revealing case study, as its inadequate childcare coverage persists despite heavy public investment – highlighting challenges within France’s multi-layered administrative system. Drawing on interviews with families and childcare managers, as well as participant observation in the local early childcare system, we identify administrative barriers at three levels: ‘organisational’, ‘procedural’, and ‘individual’. Our findings suggest that difficulties in accessing childcare stem from: (1) the failed logic of integration between different administrative layers and the financing modality of the Single Service Provision (PSU), (2) the opaque criteria employed by childcare admission committees (CAMAs), and (3) the lack of adaptation of the multi-layer administrative system to family needs. The article investigates administrative barriers to welfare state access, approaching for the first time the domain of childcare.

The development of childcare policy can be understood as a process shaped by conflicts across multiple, interconnected dimensions of policymaking. Whilst existing literature often emphasises tensions between established policy legacies and emerging paradigms such as work–family reconciliation and social investment, this study introduces a multi-dimensional framework that includes conflict and negotiation processes between competing policies co-existing within the policy domain but also within policies themselves, emphasising the dynamics of self-reinforcing and self-undermining feedbacks. Our analysis reveals how efforts to resolve tensions in one policy dimension can inadvertently trigger new conflicts in other dimensions. By examining the South Korean case over three decades, we demonstrate how such interwoven tensions drive long-term policy change, offering scholars a more nuanced understanding of the complex mechanisms underlying policy evolution.

Grandparent childcare is important to support parents’ work/care reconciliation. Research has begun to identify relationships between grandparent childcare patterns and policy settings. However, this work is disparate and focused on childcare policy, with little engagement with the broader range of policies that shape grandparent childcare. A holistic approach to understanding the relationship between policies and grandparent childcare is important to capture the intergenerational dynamics of family decisions about childcare and the complementarities (or not) of policies in different domains. This scoping review identifies policies that directly aim to shape grandparents’ involvement in childcare and that indirectly shape configurations of care. Most literature focuses on childcare and parental leave policies’ impact on parental demand for grandparent childcare. But a wider, intergenerational, policy lens reveals that policies (such as retirement income policies) affect parents’ demand for, and grandparents’ supply of childcare, and that policies in different domains are not always aligned.

Former Prime Minister Abe Shinzo left office with Japan's “Womenomics” policy having fallen far short of its 2020 targets, and with its greatest achievement, the increase in female non-regular employment, largely reversed by the COVID-19 recession. Although significant initiatives have been undertaken in the provision of childcare, tax reform, and parental leave policy, elite opinions within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, the government bureaucracy and the corporate sector militate against the mandatory regulations and political and social reforms that are still needed. These reforms are required because of the severity of Japan's demographic and economic challenges, the limited political feasibility of mass immigration, and the deep structural inertia built into Japan's employment system.

Due to the risk of Shiga-toxin producing Escherichia coli (STEC) transmission, current guidance advises excluding young children from childcare settings until microbiologically clear. Children can shed STEC for a prolonged period, and the cost-effectiveness of exclusion has not been evaluated. Our decision tree analysis, including probabilistic sensitivity analysis, estimated comparative health system costs and effects of exclusion until microbiological clearance versus return to childcare setting before this. Due to the risk of secondary cases, return before microbiological clearance resulted in the incremental loss of 0.019 QALYs, but savings of £156. Using the willingness-to-pay threshold of £20000 per QALY, the incremental net monetary benefit of exclusion until microbiological clearance was £215. Exclusion until microbiological clearance remained cost-effective if the total costs for managing the exclusion were below £576. Return before microbiological clearance may, therefore, become cost-effective in cases where the costs of managing exclusion until microbiological clearance are high and/or the risk of secondary cases is very low. Broadening the decision perspective, including the costs of exclusion to the families, may also impact the recommendation. Further research is needed to assess the risk of STEC transmission from children who have clinically recovered and the impact of STEC and exclusion on families of the affected children.

Northern Ireland has been without a Childcare Strategy for more than a decade – the only region in the United Kingdom (UK) that does not have one. As a devolved responsibility, progress in childcare has been significantly limited, and there is currently no government-funded childcare provision available. This is compared to England, Scotland, and Wales, where investment to expand provision has been introduced to help parents meet the cost of childcare by providing funded entitlement. This article examines and discusses policy developments in early education and childcare in Northern Ireland and the other UK nations. It is argued that the lack of progress by the Northern Ireland Executive to develop a Childcare Strategy overlooks it’s economic and social importance and reflects how childcare continues to be underfunded and undervalued.